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Boson III, Count de Turin AKA: Boson, Count de Valois. Also
Known As: Boson "Le Vieux". Born: before 799, son of Boson II,
Count de Turin, Boson III is presumed to have been at least 15
years of age by the time his daughter Richilde was born. Married
before 813: Died: before 855.
__ | _BOSO I in Austrasia_| | (0740 - ....) | | |__ | _BOSO II Count in Italy_| | (0784 - 0829) | | | __ | | | | |_____________________| | | | |__ | | |--BOSO III "the Old" of Turin & East Frank | (0799 - 0855) | __ | | | _____________________| | | | | | |__ | | |________________________| | | __ | | |_____________________| | |__
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Mother: Catherine DUNN |
_Edward BRISCOE Sr._____________+ | (1685 - 1725) m 1698 _John BRISCOE _______| | (1724 - 1791) m 1746| | |_Susannah "Sorrow" Gerard SLYE _+ | (1680 - 1725) m 1698 _Truman BRISCOE _____| | (1758 - 1801) m 1782| | | _William WOOD __________________+ | | | (1700 - ....) | |_Ann WOOD ___________| | (1724 - ....) m 1746| | |________________________________ | | |--Waters BRISCOE | (1800 - 1860) | _William DUNN II________________+ | | (1705 - 1767) m 1720 | _Waters DUNN Sr._____| | | (1725 - 1800) m 1750| | | |_Winifred WATERS _______________+ | | (1703 - ....) m 1720 |_Catherine DUNN _____| (1760 - ....) m 1782| | _Richard GATEWOOD Sr.___________+ | | (1681 - 1730) |_Sarah GATEWOOD _____| (1728 - 1785) m 1750| |_Patience REEVES _______________+ (1700 - 1745)
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Mother: Anne TAYLOR |
_William CARY _________________+ | (1550 - 1632) m 1572 _John CARY of Bristol, England___| | (1583 - 1661) m 1617 | | |_Elizabeth (or Alice) GOODALE _ | (1550 - 1623) m 1572 _Miles CARY Esq. "the Immigrant"_| | (1622 - 1667) m 1645 | | | _Henry HOBSON _________________ | | | (1565 - 1635) | |_Alice HOBSON ___________________| | (1595 - 1635) m 1617 | | |_Alice DAVIS __________________ | (1570 - 1634) | |--Bridget CARY | (1651 - ....) | _______________________________ | | | _Thomas TAYLOR of "Magpy Swamps"_| | | (1600 - ....) | | | |_______________________________ | | |_Anne TAYLOR ____________________| (1621 - 1656) m 1645 | | _______________________________ | | |_________________________________| | |_______________________________
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Mother: Judith LEFEVRE (LAFEAVOUR) |
His will , dtd 1790, listed in Nottoway Co. Will Bk 1, p. 37.
Names wife, Mary; sons, John, James & Peter, & dau Magdaline
Watkins.
__________________________________________________________ | _Bartholomew DUPUY _______________| | (1652 - 1743) m 1685 | | |__________________________________________________________ | _Peter (Pierre) DUPUY Sr.____| | (1694 - 1777) m 1720 | | | __________________________________________________________ | | | | |_Susanne le VILLAIN? LAVILLON? ___| | (1663 - 1731) m 1685 | | |__________________________________________________________ | | |--John Bartholomew DUPUY | (1722 - 1791) | _(RESEARCH QUERY) LEFEVRE OR LEFEAVOUR of Manakintown, VA_ | | | _Isaac LEFEVRE ___________________| | | (1665 - 1724) m 1701 | | | |__________________________________________________________ | | |_Judith LEFEVRE (LAFEAVOUR) _| (1702 - 1785) m 1720 | | _(RESEARCH QUERY) PARENTEAU of Manakintown, VA____________ | | |_Magdalaine PARENTEAU (PARANTOS) _| (1675 - 1720) m 1701 | |__________________________________________________________
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Mother: Permelia |
__ | __| | | | |__ | _Benjamin Washington FAUVER II_| | (1789 - ....) | | | __ | | | | |__| | | | |__ | | |--Sarah Susan FAUVER | (1850 - 1917) | __ | | | __| | | | | | |__ | | |_Permelia______________________| (1789 - ....) | | __ | | |__| | |__
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Mother: UNNAMED |
_James GATEWOOD _____+ | (1778 - 1838) m 1811 _Griffin GATEWOOD ___| | (1820 - ....) m 1841| | |_Sarah SMOOT ________+ | (1780 - 1830) m 1811 _James Lewis GATEWOOD _| | (1842 - ....) | | | _____________________ | | | | |_Martha A. BROWN ____| | (1820 - ....) m 1841| | |_____________________ | | |--Omar GATEWOOD | (1870 - ....) | _____________________ | | | _____________________| | | | | | |_____________________ | | |_UNNAMED_______________| (1850 - ....) | | _____________________ | | |_____________________| | |_____________________
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Mother: Sarah Ann WILLIAMS |
________________________________ | _Moroch (Morgan?) KAVANAUGH ______| | (1631 - 1691) m 1667 | | |________________________________ | _Philemon KAVANAUGH Sr._| | (1669 - 1743) m 1711 | | | ________________________________ | | | | |_Mary EUSTACE ____________________| | (1646 - ....) m 1667 | | |________________________________ | | |--Philemon KAVANAUGH Jr. | (.... - 1764) | ________________________________ | | | _William WILLIAMS "the Immigrant"_| | | (1665 - 1712) m 1690 | | | |________________________________ | | |_Sarah Ann WILLIAMS ____| (1693 - 1750) m 1711 | | _James HARRISON "the Immigrant"_+ | | (1641 - 1712) |_Jael HARRISON ___________________| (1675 - 1733) m 1690 | |_Elizabeth Prigg MOTT __________ (1645 - 1697)
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Scouts Patrolled the Sandy Passes to Guard Virginia's Frontier
Cabins By Henry P. Scalf
Published in Floyd County, Kentucky times, April 26, 1956.
Contained in the unpublished manuscript, Indian Atrocities Along
the Clinch, Powell and Holston Rivers, pages 1-8.
"The Indians are coming up Sandy," was the first cry of many a
Virginia border spy in the last quarter of the eighteenth
century when he rushed into one of the frontier forts. The
report would being hurried preparation for defense, and fleet
runners would rush off to warn the scattered pioneers to seek
the security of the forts.
Low gaps through the Cumberlands were ingresses into Virginia
for the dreaded Shawnee from the Scioto and other Ohio points.
When the heavy snows of their midcontinent climate melted and
the first signs of spring appeared the redskins stirred from the
lethargy of long inaction and turned toward the Sandy Passes.
Beyond the gaps of the mountain wall were pioneer settlements
and scattered cabin homes. There were plunder and many scalps.
Virginians called the gaps the Sandy Passes, kept scouts
patrolling beyond them into a wilderness known as the Scouting
Ground. Some came through the gap at the head of Dry Fork of Tug
River, others through the passes at the head of the Tug.
Many guarded the upper area of the Louisa or, as it is now
corrupted, the Levisa Fork, as that entrance to Virginia was one
of the favorite ways for the savages. Many, especially during
the Revolution, went out from Rye Cove, crossed Sandy Ridge,
came through Pound Gap, patrolled down the Kentucky or Big Sandy
rivers.
Scouts or spies as many called them, were selected from
volunteers. They were rugged, self-reliant, courageous, dreaded
little the loneliness of days on the march deep down Big Sandy,
Tug Fork or the Kentucky. They went in two's or four's, carried
food for the duration of their journeys. They were forbidden to
use their guns except in the direst emergencies, were forbidden
even to build a fire. Skulking Indians might hear or see and
ambush them. Many a frontier settlement went up in flames and
its inhabitants carried off or massacreed because its protecting
scouts were killed.
Between 1772 and 1774 the county of Fincastle covered all of
Southwest Virginia and the present state of Kentucky, its seat
being at the Lead Mines. Colonel William Preston was county
Lieutenant of the military forces; Major Arthur Campbell, his
subordinate, was in direct command west of the New River.
Preston lived at Smithfield, near the present Blacksburg,
Campbell was located at Royal Oak, near the present Marion. Upon
them developed the duty of establishing a line of defense
against the savages who were using the Sandy Passes to enter
Virginia and plunder. The thinly guarded line they set up
extended from New River down through the Clinch and Holston
valleys to Cumberland Gap and from there on to the North
Carolina border. Three forts stood sentinel over the headwaters
of the Clinch, each jutted against the Western Woods, their
portholes towards the Sandy Passes. They were Thomas Witten's
fort at Crab Orchard, the Rees Bowen Fort at Maiden Springs and
the stockade built at Locust Hill by William Wynne. Farther
down the Clinch and Holston were others, many of them rude log
houses the pioneers had built.
The year 1774, pioneers were seeking to enter Kentucky. Harrod
founded the town named for him but, warned by Daniel Boone and
Michael Stoner, he and his 30 men retreated for awhile to
Virginia. Others, too, like John Floyd and his surveyors left
Kentucky for a season, the Indian danger was so great. Now that
the advance guard of white civilization that had entered
Kentucky had been retrieved from certain extinction by Boone's
warning, the pioneers awaited, this year before the Revolution,
the breaking of the storm.
June 25, 1774, the Fincastle military leaders met at the Lead
Mines, ordered Colonel William Christian to lead several militia
companies to the Clinch and send out ranging parties to search
out and attack any Indians coming through the Sandy Passes.
Christian organized three companies of fifty men each besides
the officers and assembled them at Town House (Chilhowie) and
moved from there toward the Clinch. His orders were to march
with all his men "to the Clinch and from there over the
Cumberland Mountains...to the head branches of the Kentucky." We
learn from a letter written by Christian from near the present
Abingdon to Col. William Preston that he had elected not to
specifically follow orders:
On Thursday last Mr. Doack's letter to Crockett (Capt. Walter
Crockett, commanding one of the companies) was shown to me at
Cedar Creek about 9 miles ont his side of Stalnakers. I thought
it best to send Crockett off with 40 men to the head of Sandy
Creek, that the Reed Creek and head of Holston people might know
where to send to him in case any attack should be made, that he
might waylay or follow the enemy. Yesterday I heard a rumor that
50 Indians were seen at Sandy Creek but as it came through
several hands it may not be true."
The day before Christian wrote Preston, Captain Dan Smith, who
was stationed at Elk Garden with a force and charged with the
defense of the upper Clinch, wrote a letter also to his
superior, Russell. Smith was a little scared, and was inclined
to blame the inhabitants for "running away". He wrote that the
men had said they would return as soon as they had carried their
wives and children to safety. "They alleged as their excuse that
there was no Scout down Sandy Creek."
There was no scout down Sandy at the time but Smith had tried to
put one there. He had entrusted the scouting to James Maxwell
but he, fearing for his wife and children, had delegated the
matter to his brother, Thomas Maxwell, and went down to
Botetourt to see his family. Thomas Maxwell wrote Smith of the
arrangement and Smith seemed to be satisfied with it.
Smith detailed many things in his report to Col. William
Preston, dated as said, the day before Col. William Christian
reported from near Abingdon. As he (James Maxwell) lived most
convenient to the head of Sandy Creek I consulted him in regard
to scouts that should go down that water course. His brother
Thomas was the one pitched upon. On their return from the first
trip although they brought no accounts of Indians, as your
letter of the 20th ult. Came to hand about that time I sent two
scouts down a river called Louisa, and at the recommendation of
Mr. Th. Maxwell appointed one Israel Harmon to act with him down
Sandy Creek...(and) instead of going down Sandy Creek as I
strictly charged him to do he went to the head of the river,
reported the danger they were in, and assisted Jacob Harmon to
move into the New River settlement.
Smith all but called Maxwell a coward, wanted to court martial
him. What Smith didn't know was that Maxwell found the
settlements in such dire danger from Indian attacks that he felt
obliged to aid in moving them out instead of going scouting down
Sandy. He proved his courage at the Battle of King's Mountain
six years later and in 1781 (1782), while pursuing the Indians
who had captured the wife and children of Thomas Ingles, fought
a battle with the savages on the Tug. He was the only white man
killed in the fight. Today the place is known as Maxwell's Gap.
Four days after Smith reported and three days after Christian
wrote, Captain Robert Doack wrote a letter to his superior. It
is from these letters, now in the possession of the Wisconsin
Historical Society, that we gather some idea of the confusion
existing upon the Virginia border and the great fear of Indians
who were using the Sandy Passes.
Sir - Agreeable to your order I drafted men and was in readiness
to march to the heads of Sandy Creek and Clinch, when some
tracks were seen in this neighborhood supposed to be Indians
which Col. Christian hearing sent Capt. Crockett to where I was.
Ordered and Directed me to range near the inhabitants. We were
informed that sixteen Indians were seen on Walkers Creek which I
went down with 25 men but not finding any Signs & hearing the
news contradicted discharged them. The people were all in
garrison from Fort Chiswell to the head of Holston & in great
confusion. They are fled from the Rich and Walkers Creek. Some
are building forts. They have begun to build at my father's,
James Davis' and Gasper Kinders. I think they are not strong
enough for three forts but might do for two."
(NOTE: This was Capt. Thomas Maxwell, the brother of James who
was killed. See Washington Co., VA for his will. Capt. James
Maxwell moved away from the upper Clinch in 1784.)
Col. Christian, in compliance with orders, marched with 90 men
to Russell's Fort, on the Clinch. In explanation of his
diversion from his original orders he wrote Preston that he
thought it was his duty to send Capt. Walter Crockett and his
men to "cover the inhabitants that lie exposed to Sandy Creek
Pass." In the same letter he advanced the suggestion that about
200 men should be sent to the mouth of the Scioto on the Ohio
and up this stream, destroying the Shawnee towns.
On the very day that Christian wrote Col. Preston, Lord Dunmore
directed Col. Andrew Lewis to assemble forces from the area to
go on an expedition on the Ohio against the Indians. While Lewis
was marching toward the Ohio with his frontier troops, leaving
the Clinch and Holston valleys almost unguarded, bands of Mingos
and Shawnees emerged through the Sandy Passes, brought massacre
and captivity to the isolated cabins. September 8, 1774, these
Indians killed John Henry, wife and three children. Traveling to
the North Fork of the Holston the savages captured Samuel
Lammey. Turning toward the mountains through which they had
come, they passed through Roark's Gap, went down the Dry Fork of
the Tug and out onto the Ohio.
There were other Indian atrocities while Col. Andrew Lewis was
away with the guardians of the cabin thresholds but the Battle
of Point Pleasant, October 10, 1774, brought an uneasy peace for
a short while. The Revolution erupted in Massachusetts, spread
to the Western Woods where it was fought with the redskins ont
he side of the British.
The Battle of Fallen Timbers, in 1794, in which Gen. "Mad
Anthony" Wayne finally broke the power of the Ohio Indians, made
safe for all time the Virginia frontier. It had been 20 yeas
since the military leaders met at the Lead Mines and discussed
the protection of the western settlements. In that 20 years
scores of Southwest Virginians had either died under savage guns
or tomahawks or were carried into captivity through the Sandy
Passes.
After Fallen Timbers the head stream passes became high roads to
the Big Sandy valley. Coming now, not as spies or scouts, but as
settlers were the families of men who had guarded the frontier
forts through two decades of Indian attrition. Many families had
been broken by redskin atrocities, many carried the scars of
tomahawks. One of the families, almost destroyed by savage
attack, kneaded together now by new members and the stamina of
the frontier, was that of Thomas Wiley. His wife, Jenny, rode
horseback through Pound Gap, carrying her baby son, Adam, upon
the pommel of the saddle. Twelve years before she had been
dragged westward into captivity and slavery.
For 65 years after Fallen Timbers the Sandy Passes held no
terror for the inhabitants on either side of the Cumberlands.
West bound immigrants used them, east bound drovers from the Big
Sandy herded livestock over them toward Lynchburg and other
Virginia cities. The passes were highroads of peace.
In 1861 war came again to the Sandy Passes. Through them were
dragged long wagon trains of war paraphernalia - guns,
provisions and military equipment. There was Marshall, the
Confederate who used them repeatedly in his forays into Eastern
Kentucky; there was Morgan, the rebel raider who rode through
them, struck deep into the state. Col. James A. Garfield marched
up to Pound Gap, struck a blow at Marshall's troops at early
dawn one day. Gen. Stephen Burbridge, Unionist general, marched
up Levisa fork entered Virginia through its head stream pass,
marched back again after his defeat at the Salt Works, dragging
his weary troops this time homeward up the Pound and through its
gap.
During most of the Civil War the North occupied most of the Big
Sandy, the Confederates held east of the Cumberlands. At the
June term of the Scott Co., VA court in 1861, that body
appointed two men to "act as picket guard in the direction of
the Big Sandy River with a view of ascertaining whether any
forces were making preparations or are coming in this direction
with a view to invading this county or state."
This Scott Co. Court order sounds like one on the Tazewell or
early Southwest Virginia county orders, put on the books three
quarters of a century before. But it was Indians the Fincastle
and Tazewell pioneers feared. It was Federal troops who dashed
through the Pound Gap, July 7, 1863, and captured Gladeville,
now Wise. They carried many prisoners back down the Big Sandy,
three of them being Rev. Morgan Lipps, Captain Anderson Hays,
and Col. Jessee Caudill. Down this same road decades before the
Indians had carried Mary and Ann Bush, and at another time Jane
Whittaker and Polly Alley. The Indians intended to torture their
victims or make them slaves of the camp; the Federals calculated
to incarcerate Hays and Caudill until the end of the war and
keep the Wise Co. Minister to preach.
Rescuers saved the Bush girls after a desperate battle at
Jenny's Creek. Jane Whittaker and Polly Alley escaped. The Sandy
Passes were high roads to terror then. But in 1863 there was
less of terror, often a bit of humor leavened the struggle.
Captain Anderson Hays got friendly with his enemies at Asland,
Ohio, and when they were relaxed, dug his way out of prison and
the Rev. Morgan Lipps refused to preach for his captors at
Louisa, although Col. Johnathan Cranor all but threatened to
shoot him. But war, either fierce and deadly , or interspersed
with humor and gallantry as it was sometimes, is still war in
which men bleed and die.
The Sandy Passes facilitated the movements of struggles, may
never, of course, be important in another. They will stand
forever, though, silent and sphinx-like, and only time and tide
will tell.
This file contributed by: Rhonda Robertson
https://sites.rootsweb.com/~varussel/indian/1.html
Big Crab Orchard Fort (also called Maxwell's Mills) under
Captain Daniel Smith in 1774. (2) .
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Mother: Ann JARBOE |
1. Personality to Mr. George Thorold.
2. "I give to my brother, Arthur2 Neale and his heirs forever
one shilling in money in full satisfaction of his brother Henry2
Neale's estate."
3. "To my cousin, Catherine Bislo, one shilling in full
satisfaction of her claims against Henry2 Neale's estate. Rest
of estate to wife Eleanor who is made executrix.
Test: William Harrison, Wm Lord, Daniel Norris.
Will of Henry O'Neale, SMC, 3/22/1721-4/4/1721. To: George
Thorold, personalty. Brother: Arthur, 1 shilling in satisfaction
of claim against estate of his brother, Henry. Cousin: Catherine
Biscoe, 1 shilling in satisfaction of claim against estate of
testator. Wife: Eleanor, Exec. and residuary legatee. Wit:
William Harrison, William Lord, Daniel Norris. NOTE: I believe
this Catherine Biscoe was the wife of Thomas Biscoe (I don't
believe she was Catherine Herbert Biscoe).
Admin. accts. of Henry O'Neale 5/11/1721 and 6/30/1721;
appraisers were William Lord and Daniel Hall; approver was
Robert Robson; Admx., Eleanor O'Neale (Skinner).
Admin. accts. of Henry O'Neale 8/13/1722. Exec: Eleanor Ryan,
wife of Thomas Ryan.
Admin. accts. of Eleanor Ryan 5/26/1735 and 10/27/1735;
appraisers were Absalom Tennison and Jonathan Biscoe; Exec.,
William Harrison (Skinner).
Overseers: Brother, Lt. Colonel John Jarboe and Walter Hall
Test: John Jarboe, Wm. Assiter, Abraham
Combee, and David Driver.
Testamentary Proceedings Libre 13, (168201687) contains some
five entries regarding the children of Henry1 Neale.
p. 190. John Taunt is summoned to give an accounting of the
estate (not readable) contrary to the laws of this province.
p. 243. John Taunt to be summoned under oath.
p. 245. John Taunt to give an accounting of money and 17,754
pounds of tobacco due the children of Henry1 Neale. (Note the
reference to children.)
p. 253. This entry is in bad condition it being impossible to
read it in its entirety. There is reference to Lawrence
Tatershall and his sister Mary Tatershall who had married Taunt.
This entry was dated 9 Sept. 1685. This can be read: Henry1
Neale, Jr. late of St. Mary's County, deceased, conveyed to John
Taunt for the use of and behoofe of Lawrence Tetershall and
James (???) they being the rights of (???) to the said Neale.
Bond taken in this office for the 2nd. administration.
This Henry1 Neale, Jr., late of St. Mary's Co., deceased is
clearly a reference to our ancestor, Henry1 Neale who married
Ann Jarboe, widow of William Tatershall. On September 9, 1685
Henry2 Neale, son of Henry1 and his wife Ann would not have been
more than fourteen years old. But at some prior date Henry1
Neale, Jr, had "conveyed to John Taunt for the use and Behoofe
of Lawrence Tatershall" etc. This was the act of Henry1 Neale
who was known to some as Henry1 Neale, Jr. This is not proof
positive that Henry1 Neale of England and Virginia was the son
of a Henry5 Neale in England for the term Junior designated a
person who was younger than another of the same name, not
necessarily the father, as is true now. Henry1 Neale having
married the mother of Lawrence Tatershall would have had custody
of the estate of his step-son. It appears that he relinquished
this custody on the occasion of the marriage of Mary Tatershall
to James Taunt. That such a marriage did occur is proved by the
will of Lawrence Tetershall recorded in Libre 11, folio 197,
1701-2 in which he made bequests to his sister Taunt and to his
brother-in-law James Taunt.
It is not usual to set down so much detail in tracing descent
through a single generation. It has been done in this instance
to clearly establish the facts in the life of Henry1 Neale and
to show the evidence proving the continuity of this pedigree
with Arthur2 Neale whom we are about to consider. It seems that
the scattered evidence presented should now be summarized.
Henry1 Neale, sometimes Mr. Henry1 Neale, and sometimes Henry
Neale, Jr. came to these shores in 1660 with a kinsman, Captain
James6 Neale--a most prominent citizen of both England and
Maryland. It could well be, but is not proved, that he was
indeed the son of Henry5 Neale, son of John4 Neale, nephew of
Raphael5 Neale, and therefore the first cousin of Captain James6
Neale of England and Virginia. (See the pedigree of the English
Neales cited above.) At some time after May 30, 1670 and the end
of the year 1671 he married Ann Jarboe, sister of Lt. Colonel
John Jarboe and widow of William Tatershall who was deceased by
May 30, 1670. Ann had two children by Henry1 Neale, the eldest
being Henry2, the second being Arthur2 who, as we shall
presently see, was born posthumously. It was this Arthur2 to
whom Henry1 refers when he speaks of the "child my wife goes
with." The fact that Henry1 was dead in January 1672 proves that
Arthur2 was born in that year for his father anticipated his
coming when he made his nuncupative will, 1672.
Henry1 Neale lived at Brittains Bay in Newtown. He employed
William Harding as his overseer. His estate seems to have been
in personal property, suggesting not only the town dweller but
also a merchant seaman--a combination long a tradition among the
Neales. Moreover, it appears that the Holly Court which he gave
to John Gardner was not land but a vessel.
He was on intimate terms with prominent men of the community.
Luke Gardner, who heard and testified as to the nuncupative
will, was soon to become high sheriff of St. Mary's County. Both
the Warrens and Gardners were intimates of the family of Captain
James6 Neale and there is some indication of family alliances
between them...... There is no record of Henry1 Neale buying
land but it may be safely assumed that for the short interval of
his marriage
that he had the control of the lands of his step children.
Source: "The Kay-Pendleton-Neel Families" by Margaret and George
Rose, pub. J. Grant Stevenson, 1969, Sent by Betsy, Stuerke,
2/12/2003
Note:
(Research):Elizabeth Stuerke wrote: I descend through the line
of Arthur Neale >Richard Neale of PGC. From the book "The
Kay-Pendleton-Neel Families" by Margaret and George Rose, pub.
J. Grant Stevenson, 1969, pp. 227-231: "Henry1 Neale (***my
note: married to Ann Lewger Tattershall, widow of William
Tattershall) left an infant son named Henry2 Neale and one born
posthumously named Arthur2 Neale. The first son seems to have
left no heirs but his will fortunately sheds light on the second
son of Henry1 Neale."
_JOHN NEALE _________+ | (1550 - ....) m 1578 _Raphael NEALE ______| | (1584 - 1643) m 1612| | |_GRACE BUTLER _______+ | (1560 - ....) m 1578 _Henry NEALE "the Immigrant"_| | (1640 - 1672) m 1670 | | | _____________________ | | | | |_Jane BAKER _________| | (1590 - ....) m 1612| | |_____________________ | | |--Henry NEALE II | (1671 - 1721) | _____________________ | | | _ JARBOE ____________| | | (1600 - ....) | | | |_____________________ | | |_Ann JARBOE _________________| (1635 - ....) m 1670 | | _____________________ | | |_____________________| | |_____________________
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