JUST LEARNING TO BE MEN
"The 1st North Carolina led thus splendidly to battle"
Though never given adequate time for training from the regiment's inception, the 35th faced the enemy on numerous occasions in both small skirmishes and in larger battles. Before even leaving New Bern, the newly formed regiment participated in a raid into eastern North Carolina. Less than two months after mustering in, the 35th moved west into Duplin County, where the regiment engaged with Confederate pickets in several locations. While inland, the men of the 35th damaged the railroad, the depot, and a saber factory in Kenansville, and rescued three black prisoners from the courthouse. Two of the men joined the regiment. Though this particular raid involved little actual fighting, the men of the 35th accomplished a great deal. With the horrors of slavery still imprinted upon their minds and bodies, these new soldiers ventured into an area still clinging to slavery and left only after inflicting damage and creating disorder for both white and black residents of the area. The new soldiers of the 35th gained confidence from their foray into enemy territory. 1
Confidence became significant after the raid when the regiment received orders to leave New Bern. Soon after organization, the 35th left for Folly Island, South Carolina, to solidify forces around Charleston. As indicated above, the regiment faced endless fatigue duty that allowed little time for further military training. While under such difficult circumstances, Colonel Beecher attempted to prepare his men for real battle. As the men of the 35th performed exhausting duties, Beecher kept up a steady stream of requisitions for proper clothing, equipment, and arms. In order to obtain arms of a higher quality, Beecher left Folly Island in early February 1864. Bound for the North to attain arms, Beecher had no way of knowing that his men were about to face the enemy in a major battle. 2
Union troops amassed around Jacksonville, Florida, early in February 1864 under the command of Major General Quincy Gillmore and Brigadier General Truman Seymour. By occupying the area around Jacksonville, Gillmore pursued several goals. He hoped to acquire an outlet for lumber, timber, and cotton; to eliminate a Confederate source for supplies; to recruit men for the black regiments under his command; and to begin the process of restoring Florida to the Union. Gillmore directed Seymour to build defenses at Jacksonville, Baldwin, and the south fork of the Saint Mary's River. The 35th, along with the 54th Massachusetts, the 8th USCT, and the 2nd South Carolina (Colored) Infantry joined several white regiments at Jacksonville under Seymour's command. As the forces grew in number, Seymour embarked west along the Atlantic and Gulf Railroad establishing posts along the way. Confederate troops, led by General P.G.T. Beauregard, increased their defenses nearby as word spread of the Union arrival. 3
While troops on both sides maneuvered for position, the USCT regiments faced the familiar tasks of fatigue and picket duty at the various Union outposts. Gillmore intended all troops under Seymour's command to do fatigue and picket duty as the Union fortified positions in Florida. Seymour, however, developed ideas of his own. On February 17, 1864, Seymour wrote Gillmore, declaring his intention to march nearly 100 miles west of Jacksonville and destroy the railroad near the Suwanee River. Gillmore responded to Seymour's letter with a terse negative reply and by sending his chief of staff, General John W. Turner, to see that Seymour abandoned his plan. "You must have forgotten my last instructions," wrote Gillmore, "which were for the present to hold Baldwin and the Saint Mary's south fork as your outposts to the westward of Jacksonville and to occupy Palatka and Magnolia on the Saint John's." Though it would be beneficial to destroy the railroad, Gillmore wrote that he did not plan to move that far westward. Such a campaign could be disastrous. Delayed by bad weather, Turner did not arrive in time to stop Seymour from proceeding. 4
Upon his arrival, Turner discovered Seymour already had the enemy engaged at Olustee. According to Seymour's report on the battle of Olustee, "On the morning of February 20, I moved from Barber's, with all the disposable force at my control, with the intention of meeting the enemy at or near Lake City, and of then pushing the mounted force to the Suwanee River, to destroy if possible the railroad bridge at that stream." Just a few miles outside of Olustee, the front lines first met enemy gunfire. Seymour believed the Confederate force dramatically outnumbered his own army and suspected the Confederates intended to attack the Union camp at Barber's. The general proceeded with his battle plan, which consisted of a regiment on either side of the artillery, with an additional regiment on the right side, providing a longer line of troops. The 7th New Hampshire, a white regiment, lined up on the right, with the 8th USCT on the left. The Union soldiers faced heavy fire from the Confederates, and confusion ensued. According to Seymour, the 7th New Hampshire "had scarcely deployed and felt the enemy's fire when it broke in confusion." Several officers attempted to rally the men, but failed. The 7th retreated and gave no further effort in the battle. The 8th USCT fought well until Colonel Charles W. Fribley received a severe wound. Without their colonel, the men of the 8th also broke in disarray. At this point in the battle, Seymour ordered fresh troops to the front. The 35th, along with other units, answered Seymour's call. 5
The 35th and 54th Massachusetts, near the end of the march, quickly advanced to the line of battle. At the front, Barton's Brigade, made up by the 47th, 48th, and 115th New York took the place of the 7th New Hampshire and then spread out to cover the retreat of the 8th USCT. The 54th assumed the position of the 8th on the right of the artillery. The fresh troops pushed the Confederate left backwards, and Seymour called for the 35th to attack the weakening line. Seymour noted, "the 1st North Carolina was brought up to the right of Barton's Brigade by Lieutenant Colonel Reed in most brilliant manner." According to George W. Williams, an officer in the 6th Massachusetts Volunteer Militia prior to joining the 54th Massachusetts, Lieutenant Colonel William Reed performed commendably during the fight. "He was an able officer," wrote Williams, "whose conspicuous gallantry attracted the attention of the officers of other troops who saw the 1st North Carolina led thus splendidly to battle." 6
However, the 35th and 54th also found themselves unsuccessful against the heavy gunfire. Seymour attributed the failure of his troops to the disparity in numbers and the greater defenses of the rebels. Surrounded by natural and man-made defenses, the Confederates had faced few dangers from the repeated Union advances. Union soldiers, black and white, encountered intense gunfire from the Confederates as they approached. At times, the Union forces appeared to make small gains before being repulsed by the rebels. Finally, Seymour saw that his men could not succeed, and ordered the retreat. "The struggle continued until dusk and ended with cheers of defiance," wrote Seymour, "and finding it hopeless, under existing circumstances to advance further, the troops were withdrawn in perfect order." The regiments retreated to Barber's, a community about ten miles east of Olustee, for the night. On February 21, the withdrawal eastward continued. First Lieutenant J. R. Barbour recorded the activities of the 35th in the regimental Morning Reports. His entry for February 21 noted: "Marched in retreat 30 miles . . . tired and hungry . . . soldiers suffer." 7
Indeed, many soldiers suffered during and in the aftermath of Olustee. Seymour took 5,500 soldiers into battle at Olustee, and lost 1,861 killed, wounded, or missing. The Confederates lost only 950. The 35th suffered 230 casualties. The missing included Major Archibald Bogle, left wounded on the field, and captured by the Rebels. Lieutenant Colonel William Reed, wounded mortally during the battle, died on the field. Thus, in its first major battle, the 35th suffered serious losses, including Reed, Bogle, several captains and lieutenants, and many soldiers. 8
Despite the heavy losses, the three regiments of the USCT performed well in a battle almost destined for failure. According to prominent African-American George W. Williams in A History of Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion, "had it not been for the stubborn fighting of these Negro troops Seymour would have been routed and annihilated." The 35th and 54th entered the battle when a Union defeat loomed certain. Seymour's white regiments and the 8th failed to gain any ground, yet he never chose to fall back and combine the reinforcements with the regiments already engaged. Instead Seymour elected to send the 35th and 54th into action. Despite the failure of the first assaults, the black soldiers rushed to the front determined to prove their abilities. In his memoir, [A Brave Black Regiment: The History of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts, 1863-1865], Second Lieutenant Luis F. Emilio noted the courageous efforts of the USCT in the futile battle. "This spirited movement into action of the colored brigade is acknowledged to have caused the enemy's right to give way somewhat," reported Emilio. The 35th and 54th threatened to capture the exposed rebel guns before the Confederates regrouped and took command again. Private Joseph T. Wilson of the 54th also remembered that the 35th briefly succeed in pushing the Rebels back before being swarmed by the enemy. Once engaged, soldiers witnessed the harsh realities of warfare as their comrades received wounds from the intense fire of the Confederates. 9
The 35th performed gallantly in the face of immense danger. Newspaper reporters remembered the 35th going valiantly into battle, despite the remote chance of success. Individual members of the regiment performed acts of courage as well. Corporal Isaac Evenhouse of Company B received a promotion to Sergeant on March 16, 1864, for "bravery at Olustee in securing colors." A soldier from the 55th Massachusetts, which did not reach the battlefield in time to participate, wrote a letter to the editor of the Weekly Anglo-African in which he described the battle. "Terrible fighting had been done in the few hours that the battle raged," he recalled, "and our colored regiments had done their part nobly, as is proved by the manner in which the 8th USCT and the 1st North Carolina Colored Volunteers, were cut up." Frustrated that many Americans still questioned the abilities of black soldiers, this soldier announced the success of blacks in uniform. "Our colored soldiers behaved in an unflinching and dauntless manner," he declared. Even General Seymour praised the performance of the black units. "The colored troops behaved creditably," he detailed, "the 54th and the 1st North Carolina like veterans." Seymour went on to attribute the failure to the "unanticipated yielding" of the 7th New Hampshire. However, the strong performance of black soldiers could not prevent a Union defeat. "The rout was complete," wrote Wilson, "the army was not only defeated but beaten and demoralized." Though the Union suffered a defeat, Olustee provided many black soldiers a first opportunity to taste real battle with the enemy. The 35th sustained heavy losses but gained valuable battle experience. 10
Despite their participation in Olustee, the situation did not dramatically change for the 35th in the months following the battle. Like most black units, the 35th still faced shortages and lacked a distinct military mission. Because the War Department infrequently chose to define a role for black regiments, most units faced incessant fatigue duty. In the weeks after Olustee, the 35th continued to perform fatigue duty, and Beecher, still protesting this type of assignment for his men, pursued his efforts to outfit the regiment properly. From headquarters in Jacksonville, Beecher repeatedly requisitioned proper arms, equipment, and clothing needed by his soldiers. 11
Though involved with obtaining necessities for the regiment, Beecher did not have to wait long to face the enemy again. In late May, the 35th was involved in an attack against the Confederates on the Saint John's River, Florida. An expedition, led by Brigadier General George H. Gordon, moved up the Saint John's with the intent of attacking the enemy. After landing at Palatka, General Gordon placed twenty-five soldiers and two officers of the 35th aboard the steamer, Columbine, and sent it back down the river. After landing, the soldiers marched to Volusia, joining Colonel William H. Noble of the 17th Connecticut Volunteers. However, the Union forces could not reach the enemy, and began marching back down the river. 12
While the ground forces marched in search of the enemy, the Columbine did not have to look far for the rebels. On May 23, Confederate forces attacked the steamer and captured it and the Union soldiers aboard. According to Confederate Captain J.J. Dickson, 2nd Florida Cavalry:
We captured in this engagement seven commissioned officers, one
claiming to be a non-combatant, nine seamen, and forty-seven enlisted
negroes; number killed and drowned twenty-five. Of the negro troops
Captain Daniels and five negroes wounded, three of which are mortal. 13
Captain Dickson also commented, "Most of the negro troops have owners in North Carolina and Florida." The Confederate captain still viewed black soldiers as the property of slaveowners and believed black men would find no permanent place in the Union Army. 14
Just over a week after the attack of the Columbine, the 35th met the enemy again. In June, 1864 the 35th participated in a skirmish at Camp Milton, Florida. According to the report of Federal Brigadier General George H. Gordon, forces began concentrating in Jacksonville in the days before the attack. Gordon planned a two-part attack on a long line of Confederate defenses. The first component, led by Colonel William H. Noble of the 17th Connecticut Volunteers, would follow McGirt's Creek north and attack the rear of the enemy's line. Noble commanded the 17th Connecticut Volunteers, the 157th New York, the 107th Ohio, and the 3rd and part of the 35th USCT. The second group would follow the dirt road from Jacksonville and attack rebel front line. Colonel James Shaw, Jr., of the 7th USCT led his regiment, the 144th New York, 75th Ohio Mounted, and the 3rd Rhode Island Artillery in the frontal attack. 15
The dual attack began in the early morning of June 1. Colonel Noble and his forces landed across McGirt Creek at about 3 a.m., close to the same time Colonel Shaw led his troops out of Jacksonville. "The front and rear of the enemy's works were gained by the two columns about the same time," noted Gordon, "but too late to capture the enemy." According to Gordon, the Confederates hurriedly abandoned their fortifications, burning portions of the railroad and leaving supplies behind in their haste. The Union soldiers destroyed what remained of the fortifications. Gordon, who admired the quality and strength of the breastworks, wrote, "the labor of many thousands of men for many weeks was thus destroyed and one of the most formidable barriers to the march of an army to Tallahassee removed." 16
After the destruction of the rebel stronghold, Gordon ordered his troops to return to Jacksonville. As the units prepared to march, rebel skirmishers appeared at the front of the line. After moderate firing, the rebels were pushed back, and the march continued. Impressed with the work of the Union troops, Gordon believed the destruction of the Confederate stronghold to be a great benefit to the Union Army. 17
At almost the same time, the rest of the 35th participated in a skirmish in South Carolina. Detachments from the 7th and 34th USCT and part of the 75th Ohio, along with the 35th began marching from White Point, near the Dawho River in the early morning of July 3. Led by Brigadier General William Birney, the troops quickly came under fire from rebel skirmishers. The Union soldiers returned the fire and continued marching for several miles until a creek was reached, with the rebel fort on the other side. Birney determined that the creek was impassable and ordered his soldiers to shell the fort from their positions. Though six Union soldiers received wounds, Birney reported: "Men and officers all seemed disposed to do their duty. The affair was an excellent drill for them preparatory to real fighting." Though the 35th had faced "real fighting"at Olustee, every opportunity to engage the enemy gave the soldiers confidence and experience. 18
Also in early July 1864, Major General John G. Foster, commanding the Department of the South, decided to advance against the Confederate defenses surrounding Charleston. On the islands surrounding Charleston Harbor, the 54th and 55th Massachusetts, with the 33rd, 32nd, and 21st USCT awaited the arrival of other Union troops to join in the attack. Foster planned to divide his assault into three parts. The first segment, commanded by Brigadier General John P. Hatch, would advance to John's Island by way of the North Edisto River and destroy the Charleston and Savannah Railroad. Brigadier General William Birney would attack the same railroad, focusing his attentions on the rail bridge over the South Edisto River. The final division, led by Brigadier General Alexander Schimmelfenning, would attack Confederate defenses on James Island. The advance began late on July 1, with the movement of the 103rd New York, 33rd and 55th USCT to James Island. Confederates quickly fired on the advancing troops, creating confusion among all three regiments and marking the beginning of a long, hot day of fighting. The Union advances, slowed by difficult terrain and heat, did not surprise the Confederates, and failed to gain any ground. Finally, the Union commanders ordered a retreat. 19
Though the July 2 attack failed, Union activity continued around Charleston Harbor. Brigadier General William Birney arrived on James Island with the 35th, 7th, and 34th USCT on July 4. Birney's brigade fell in behind the 54th Massachusetts, and participated in the many skirmished that took place in the following weeks. On July 7 Birney wrote to Captain W.L.M. Burger that he would attack "just as soon as Colonel Beecher's regiment gets its arms." According to Birney, the detachment of the 35th "numbers only a little over 320 men for active duty; of these ninety are without arms and the rest have four kinds of arms, none of them fit for service." 20
Just a few months later, in November, Beecher received instruction from General John G. Foster to move the 35th, 34th and segments of cavalry and artillery to Hilton Head, South Carolina. From Hilton Head, General Foster planned to send a force under the command of General John P. Hatch to destroy the important Charleston and Savannah railroad near Pocotaligo, a point about fifteen miles upriver from Hilton Head Island. The 54th New York and the 54th and 55th Massachusetts reached Hilton Head by November 28, joined by the 34th and 35th USCT, the 4th Massachusetts Cavalry and 3rd New York, Battery F. 21
Hatch intended for the troops to begin moving upriver before daylight on the morning of the 29th, but heavy fog delayed the start for several hours. Before daybreak, however, a number of ships began the mission up the Broad River. Hindered by poor visibility, some ships ran aground and others lost their way. The remainder of ships waited until daylight to begin their task. Despite the fog, by 8:30 a.m. most of the ships landed at Boyd's Neck. After a lengthy and difficult landing, Union forces finally marched west. However, several segments missed a necessary road and the force separated. Because of the various mishaps, the Union troops did not reach the Charleston and Savannah Railroad on the 29th as planned. The delay cost the Union forces dearly. On the 29th, few Confederates were in the area. However, on the morning of the 30th, when the mission resumed, Hatch faced a much larger enemy entrenched in the town of Honey Hill. According to Second Lieutenant Luis F. Emilio of the 54th Massachusetts, "Our failure to seize the railroad on the 29th or very early the next morning was fatal to success, for the enemy took prompt and effective measure to oppose us." 22
The army's march began early on November 30, but Hatch's force again faced difficulty. The various regiments pulled out of camp at different times and met logistical problems along the way. Difficult terrain slowed the excursion, allowing the rebels even more time to prepare. As troops neared Honey Hill, they attracted the fire from the rebels. After a few failed attacks, Hatch ordered Beecher to take the 35th forward. On this advance, Beecher lost his favorite horse and received injuries. His troops opened fire with enthusiasm, but Beecher halted the assault when the companies fell out of order after receiving ferocious fire from the rebels. According to the report of Brigadier General Edward E. Potter, who commanded the 1st Brigade at Honey Hill, "The 35th USCT, which had come up about this time, was pushed out on the right center; but the heavy fire of the enemy and difficulties of the ground compelled them to withdraw. Colonel Beecher was severely wounded, but kept the field." 23
Beecher's wounds did not prevent him from reforming his command and waiting as the 55th Massachusetts moved forward to met the Confederates. The 55th did not find success against the rebel fire either, and fell back to reform their lines. Meanwhile, part of the 54th and the 35th again stepped up to attack. During this advance, Beecher received another wound in the upper thigh. Beecher attempted to remain on the field, but an officer of the 54th ordered two soldiers to escort the colonel to the rear. 24
With the 35th and 54th struggling at the front, the 55th came forward for their second attack. Much like the first attack, the 55th found little success against the protected rebels and received heavy losses. Fighting continued all afternoon, but the battle was all but finished with the second retreat of the 55th. Full retreat began at dark. General Hatch ordered the 34th and 35th to protect their guns for the night as the other regiments went about removing the wounded and equipment from the field. Hatch's plan to cut the railroad was never realized. 25
Though unsuccessful, the excursion southwest of Charleston afforded USCT regiments and their officers another opportunity to demonstrate their abilities on the field. Under difficult circumstances, the 35th and 32nd USCT and the 54th and 55th Massachusetts again proved a willingness to fight with determination. In particular, General Potter praised the 35th and the 32nd. He wrote in his report, "The 32nd USCT, Colonel Baird, and the 35th USCT, Colonel Beecher are also deserving of great credit. Colonel Beecher, of the latter regiment, was severely wounded early in the action, but kept the field until the close of the day." Potter determined the causes of failure to be unfavorable ground and heavy fire from a firmly entrenched enemy. Despite these disadvantages, Potter expressed pleasure that his troops "maintained their position with the greatest tenacity and endurance." Though the soldiers in blue performed commendably, the battle of Honey Hill went to the Confederates. 26
The failed attempt cost the Union 750 casualties. The 35th lost 114 men, with only the 55th Massachusetts and the 25th Ohio losing more, 137 and 138, respectively. The Confederates suffered only 150 to 200 casualties, a number far less than the Union losses. Because of the many delays of Hatch's objectives, the Confederates had the extra time to prepare and protect themselves behind earthworks. Faced with swampy terrain on both sides and powerful gunfire at the front, the Union soldiers were hit hard. In addition, the Charleston and Savannah Railroad remained open, allowing many Southerners to escape when Sherman reached Savannah just a few months later. 27
The failure at Honey Hill marked the final campaign of significance for the 35th. Like many USCT regiments, the 35th saw few major battles. Because of the lack of a clear purpose, USCT regiments infrequently received proper training or equipment, thus rendering the soldiers poorly prepared to face the enemy on a battlefield. Commanders such as Beecher had to repeatedly demand arms, equipment, and clothing, in order to prepare their soldiers to fight. Exacerbating the problem, many black units received assignments for incessant fatigue duty, which allowed little time for training. Soldiers who where not properly outfitted or trained were unlikely to be called upon for battle by those in the U. S. Army and War Department who still questioned the abilities of black soldiers. 28
The 35th shared the difficulties faced by other USCT regiments, including insufficient training, heavy fatigue duty, and inadequate supplies. Despite these obstacles, the 35th did see action in the field. After a few minor raids and skirmishes, the 35th participated in the battle of Olustee on February 20, 1864. In this ill-fated engagement the unit sustained numerous casualties, but performed with courage and skill. After gaining confidence, the regiment participated in several encounters with the enemy in Florida, including the defense of the Union steamer Columbine on the Saint John's River in May 1864, and at Camp Milton on June 1, 1864. In early July, the 35th saw action in Charleston Harbor during the ongoing attacks on the Confederate stronghold. Fighting continued for several weeks as the Union soldiers attempted to take John's Island from the rebels. After this mission, the 35th moved slightly inland to Honey Hill, South Carolina, in late November 1864. Following the unsuccessful attempt to cut the Charleston and Savannah Railroad, the 35th remained on duty in the Department of the South through Appomattox and the Confederate surrender.
In the defeated South, Union soldiers who remained encountered numerous duties. Beecher and the 35th confronted difficult responsibilities as an army of occupation. Assisting freedmen in the transition from slavery was no easy task, nor was enforcing reconstruction among the white population. Officers of the USCT worked closely with the Freedmen's Bureau, helping to establish work contracts between former bondsmen and planters. The Bureau also aided former slaves in understanding their new responsibilities as freedmen and encouraged them to become worthy citizens. Naturally, white southerners did not react in a positive manner to Federal troops. Seeing black soldiers and the Freedmen's Bureau in their hometowns initially infuriated whites in the South. However, the presence of soldiers did eventually help many southerners accept the changes made by the Freedmen's Bureau. Some officers, such as Beecher, developed relationships with both freedmen and planters that facilitated the establishment of working contracts. 29
Though Beecher resigned as colonel of the 35th in July 1865, he continued working in the occupied South. Promoted to brigadier general, Beecher received instructions in September 1865, from Major General Rufus Saxton to "adjucate a difficulty now existing between the former owner of that place [plantation of William Gillmore Simms in Barnwell District, South Carolina] and the freedmen." Saxton commented that Beecher had previous success on the Simms plantation in working out disputes, and that he had complete faith in Beecher's judgement. 30
Saxton was not alone in trusting Beecher to settle problems between freedem and former owners. On January 13, 1866, South Carolina planter Nathaniel Heyward described the success of Beecher in their area:
You allow me for myself and several friends, most respectfully
to request your influence in the intention of Brigadier General
Beecher in his present Command; as we consider it very desirable
to have his present beneficial influence in formation of Contracts
between ourselves and freedmen and their successful completion. 31
Fully satisfied with Beecher's accomplishments with the freedmen, Heyward worried that "change would be a great risk of injury to the cause." The planter did not want to lose the strong influence Beecher had over freedmen. Without him, local planters might face greater difficulty in working out contracts with freedmen. Obviously, the work of Beecher had a positive effect on various groups of people, including his former troops, officers, and even southern planters. 32
However, the positive work of Beecher and his troops did eventually come to an end. On June 1, 1866, the 35th mustered out in Charleston after three years of service to the Union. The regiment experienced a great deal during those three years, and the men who filled the ranks would be forever changed. Just like the other 180,000 members of the USCT, the men of the 35th would take home a greater sense of self-worth and a desire for true equality. 33
* * Go to Conclusions * *
1. Redkey, A Grand Army of Black Men, 92.
2. Special Order Number 97, December 29, 1863, Order Book, Companies A-E, 35th Regiment USCT, RG 94, National Archives, Washington, D.C; Major Archibald Bogle to Lieutenant Thomas J. Robinson, December 30, 1863, Descriptive Books, 35th Regiment USCT, RG 94, National Archives, Washington D.C; Trudeau, Like Men of War, 128.
3. Trudeau, Like Men of War, 128, 130, 132-133; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 35, Part I, Reports and Correspondence, 276-277. This work will be hereafter noted as OR series, volume: page number.
4. OR I 35/1:277, 286.
5. Ibid., 286-289.
6. Ibid., 289; Donald Yacovone, ed., A Voice of Thunder: The Civil War Letters of George E. Stephens (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 295-297; Trudeau, Voices of the 55th, 78; Luis F. Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment: The History of the 54th Massachusetts, 1863-1865 (Boston: Boston Book Company, 1891), 162, 167; George W. Williams, A History of Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1888), 206-208.
7. Morning Reports, Companies A-E, 35th Regiment USCT, R & P Office, RG 94, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
8. Cornish, The Sable Arm, 268; OR I 35/1:286-289; Trudeau, Like Men of War, 152.
9. Williams, A History of Negro Troops, 205; Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment, 167; Joseph T. Wilson, The Black Phalanx (Hartford, Conneticut: American Publishing Co., 1890), 268-270.
10. Trudeau, Like Men of War, 146-148, 152; Descriptive Books, 35th Regiment USCT, RG 94; Trudeau, Voices of the 55th, 78; OR I 35:290; Wilson, The Black Phalanx, 273; Morning Reports, Companies A-E, 35th Regiment USCT, R & P Office, RG 94, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
11. Descriptive Books, 35th Regiment USCT, RG 94.
12. OR I 35/1:393-395.
13. Ibid., 397.
15. Descriptive Books, 35th Regiment USCT, RG 94; OR I 35/1:401-403.
16. Ibid., 401-402.
17. Ibid., 401-402.
18. Ibid., 408.
19. Trudeau, Like Men of War, 256-257, 260-262; Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment, 199.
20. Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment, 210-214; OR I 35/2:171
21. Trudeau, Like Men of War, 315-316.
22. Ibid., 317-318; Williams, A History of the Negro Troops, 209; Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment, 240.
23. Trudeau, Like Men of War, 324; Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment, 243; OR I 44/1:426.
24. OR I 44/1:426; Trudeau, Like Men of War, 326-327; Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment, 247-248; Williams, A History of the Negro Troops, 211.
25. Trudeau, Like Men of War, 329-330; Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment, 250-251.
26. OR I 44/1; 427.
27. Trudeau, Like Men of War, 331.
28. Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, 120, 121
29. Ibid., 210-211.
30. James C. Beecher, Compiled Military Service Record, RG 94.
33. Descriptive Books, 35th Regiment, USCT, RG 94.
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