ABORIGINAL OCCUPANCY 
AND
EARLY SETTLEMENT

CALEDONIA COUNTY

      Of the aboriginal occupancy of the territory embraced in this county little is known. It is probable that it was not the home of the red man, but rather the camping and hunting grounds of various tribes; and the valley of the Connecticut and other large streams were highways of warlike bands in their marches and counter marches from Canada to Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and they engaged in several conflicts and made captives of some of the white inhabitants during the early days of settlements. What is said further on respecting the Indians in Essex county applies equally as well to the territory covered by Caledonia county. The first settlement by the whites was made in Barnet, March 4, 1770. The first settlers were Daniel, JACOB and Elijah HALL, three brothers, and Jonathan FOWLER. The first house in the county was built by the HALLs, at the foot of the falls on the north side of Stevens river, in Barnet. Sarah, daughter of Elijah HALL, was the first child born, and Barnet FOWLER, son of Jonathan, was probably the first male born in the county. The first mills were built at the falls on Stevens river, in Barnet, by Col. HURD, of Haverhill, N. H., by contract with Enos STEVENS, one of the grantees of the town.

      The first settlement of the county was made in Guildhall, (then supposed to be Lunenburgh) by David PAGE, Timothy NASH and George WHEELER in 1764. They had to bring their provisions from Northfield, Mass. in canoes, by river navigation over 165 miles. During the War of the Revolution, they were constantly annoyed by the Tories and Indians, who killed their cattle, plundered their houses and carried some of their number into captivity. These disasters, of course, prevented rapid settlements; but in 1785 quite a number of families had made their homes in "Upper Coos," as the valley on both sides of the Connecticut was then called. Much of the county was surveyed by Eben A. JUDD, who, after a time, built a mill in Guildhall, and also brought goods to sell to the settlers, quite a share of which was New England rum. In the controversy about pitched lots used by the settlers, and the right of New Hampshire to survey their lands, there were often long discussions, which sometimes resulted in quarrels, and they now and then came to blows. I cannot learn that any were really killed in such fights, but they sometimes used pitchforks and other dangerous weapons.

      This county was never much settled by Indians, but was used as a hunting ground, and through it was the main highway for the St. Francis tribe of Canada, and those Coos Indians living in the valley of the Connecticut. It was as it were disputed territory, as both claimed the right to hunt in it; and we have the best reasons to suppose that there were frequent ambuscades within its borders. There have been a few stone tomahawks, arrow-points and other Indian relics found within its limits, but they are not abundant. About midway of the fifteen mile fall on the Connecticut, in the town of Concord, is a small meadow known as the Carpenter meadow, from Aaron CARPENTER, who settled here in 1795. When he came, this meadow was covered by a handsome growth of maples, free from underbrush, seemingly one of the most beautiful spots in the valley. One of his early clearings was made here, and in cutting the trees various marks were found showing that this place was visited thirty-nine years before. This was ascertained by cutting out the marks and counting the grains. Leaden bullets were also found beneath the surface of the timber that had by its growth, closed the hole for as many years. This was deemed conclusive evidence that white men had had a skirmish here, using firearms. Then came the question, Who it was? 

      In 1759 Major ROGERS made his ever memorable expedition against the St. Francis Indians. After being harassed in his return, he found himself at Lake Memphremagog without food, and his men much exhausted. He divided his party into three squads so they could better obtain food, and they agreed to meet at the lower Coos. He kept up Barton river and down the Passumpsic waiting for his men at No.4. Another detachment came in by Wells river, but of the third there is no record of the way they came, but a part only returned. Now it is highly probable that they kept east of Major ROGERS, coming in on the Nulhegan and down the Connecticut valley. That here they had a skirmish with the Indians, and succeeded in holding their ground, as is shown by two graves which were opened and the bones of two men were discovered buried by white men in a recumbent posture. Some years later, when plowing this meadow, several pieces of muskets were found, and a year or two after, when the river was very low, some gun barrels were found in the River corroded through by rust. Eleven pieces in all were found and it was thought that they were the parts of four or five muskets. These were doubtless thrown into the river to keep them from the Indians. Another musket, equally corroded, was found on Cook's meadow, in Lunenburgh, six miles from the above described place in Concord. This all forms a chain of circumstantial evidence in favor of the theory advanced. That there was a skirmish here at about that time no one can doubt. 

      But we were speaking of the early settlers of about 1800, when the county had log house homes in most of the river towns. Living at the distance of 130 miles from the seaboard, all heavy articles such as salt, iron, and, in fine, all the articles of civilized life that could not be obtained from the wilderness, or soil, or found in the waters, had to be transported over hills and mountains upon the backs of horses or men, and quite often it was the latter; guided through the forests only by spotted trees, being obliged to ford or swim streams that ran across their route, often swollen by rains; with no mills for the manufacture of lumber, from sixty to eighty-five miles to the nearest grist-mill; surrounded with hostile Indians that much of the time could get five dollars for the scalp of a white man, and they at any time might pounce upon them with tomahawk and scalping knife that spared not women or children. All this must have thrown a shadow deep and dark across the path of the early settlers of Essex county, and hardy indeed must be the men and women to brave it; and so they were. Their currency was mostly the fur of animals, and "salts," made by boiling down the lye of ashes, which, when made and carried to market, often brought no more than one cent per pound. 

      One of the energetic men of the county before the war was Major Benjamin WHITCOMB. How he obtained his major's commission is well told by David GOODALL, who took care of him a few days before his death, and to whom he told the incidents. His narration is as follows: -- 

   "Major WHITCOMB was the most prominent pioneer trapper and hunter of Essex county, often spending months at a time in the wilderness, subsisting upon game, and falling in frequently with Indians and camping and hunting with them, always taking pains to conciliate them and secure their friendship. 

   "At one time he found an Indian in early winter, alone, nearly starved, his gun lock having broken, and took him to his camp and fed him and kept him there three weeks, and trapped with him and divided furs, and gave him food, to last him home. 

   "WHITCOMB served under PUTNAM in the old French war, was in several fights, and taken prisoner by the Indians and carried to Quebec. He often, wrestled, ran and shot at a mark with the Indians, but always managed to let them beat him, as it would have given great offence to beat them. After Ticonderoga was taken by ALLEN, WHITCOMB hastened there and served as a scout. The commander of the fort received a circular from Gen. Washington, saying that he wished to retaliate upon the British officers for the wanton butcheries and massacres of women and children by the British Indians; and, to accomplish it, offered any American soldier who would go into Canada and waylay and shoot a British general, a major's commission and pay in the American army, a captain's commission for a colonel, etc. WHITCOMB and two others volunteered to go and try. One man deserted before reaching the line. WHITCOMB and his companion pursued their way to near Three Rivers, and ascertained that a brigade of British soldiers and some Indians were about to move towards the line in a few days, and the route they would go. WHITCOMB selected a place of ambush, and made all ready. The night before the British were to move, WHITCOMB's companion, alarmed by their dangerous position, deserted and went over to the enemy and informed them of WHITCOMB's plans and intentions. WHITCOMB was greatly annoyed and vexed, but had no thoughts of losing his major's commission. He moved nearer to the British camp, fixing upon a new place for his ambuscade, where a small river made a turn and came near the road -- a deep, narrow ravine running back from the river some distance. His position was at the root of a large tree blown down, the top reaching into the ravine and the root affording cover and port-holes to fire through. This was about fifteen rods from the road on the right side, and the river on the left side, and commanded a good view of the road in the direction the enemy would come. The ground to the river was covered with a thick growth of small trees, and briars and alders in the ravine. About 2 o'clock P. M. the British column came in sight and slowly passed. Several mounted officers passed, but none whose grade seemed high enough. Then came in sight an officer mounted upon a splendid white steed, richly dressed, with a broad red silk sash around his waist, and a long white plume in his hat, with several staff officers near by, and Indian scouts in the road. WHITCOMB thought he would do, and when he came within fifty rods took deliberate aim and fired. He saw the officer throw his hands up and reel back, and quickly hid under the root. The Indians in the road near by saw the smoke of his gun and dashed into the woods after him and supposing he would run back did not stop to look for him there, but hurried on and crossed the log within twenty feet of him. As soon as they had passed, WHITCOMB crawled rapidly alongside of the log into the ravine and down that under the bridge into the river, and up it in the water under the thick alders, occasionally coming upon the land for a rod or two, and crossing over and back. He had got about half a mile when he heard the blood hounds boo on his track; but all his arrangements had been made to baffle and elude them, and he succeeded in delaying them so much that he gained upon them until dark, when he took a smaller stream, running out of his direct route, and waded in that a mile, then left, it and traveled all night and the next day without stopping, keeping in the woods. 

   "The officer shot was General GORDON, and he died in half an hour. At the time WHITCOMB shot him, all his provision consisted of about half a pint of parched corn, and that was all the food he had for four days. On the fifth day he crossed the line into Vermont, nearly starved, and his shoes entirely worn out. In all this time he had not kindled a fire or dared to shoot game, lest the smoke and report of his gun should indicate his whereabouts to the pursuing Indians; but necessity, which knows no law, compelled him to act. He did not dare to go to any house, fearing Tories; but finding a yoke of oxen feeding in a pasture, he shot one through the head and quickly cut out as much steak as he needed, and skin enough for a pair of moccasins, and run into a deep swamp, kindled a fire, half roasted some steak and eat it upon the run, again fearing the smoke would betray him. The next morning he had gone about a mile only, when he came upon an Indian camp, where several had stopped over night, the fire not being out. He turned and traveled east half a day, and then turned south, and hurried on until he arrived at Royalton, Vt., where he went into a house and asked for food and rest. 

   “The British had offered a thousand crowns for his head, and two thousand crowns for him delivered at any British post alive, and the Indians pursued and hunted for him along the lake to the very walls of Ticonderoga. After some little time had elapsed, WHITCOMB joined a small frontier guard stationed at Lancaster, N. H., in a block-house; feeling secure, he occasionally went out hunting. One day, when out alone, he was suddenly seized from behind, disarmed and bound by five Indians, and hurried off into Canada, and down the St. Francis river. Night came on dark; when within twenty miles of a British post, at the mouth of the river, where the Indians were to give him up and take the reward, they camped upon an island. WHITCOMB's hands and feet were securely tied to a stake and otherwise securely bound, and in addition he was bound to two Indians, one sleeping each side close to him; escape seemed impossible. WHITCOMB recognized in one of his captors the Indian whom he had years before found alone nearly famished and fed and supplied with food, and had by look and gesture tried to make the Indian know him, but entirely failed to gain any sign of recognition. Death seemed inevitable and hope departed, but yet he slept. About 2 o'clock A. M., WHITCOMB was awakened by gentle taps on the mouth to indicate silence, and then the fingers passed to his eyes and found them open. His bonds were all carefully cut. He was directed by a motion of the hand to rise and follow, which he cautiously did to the river. The Indian whom he had formerly aided when starving, turned to him and handed him his gun, powder-horn, ball-pouch, knife, and a bag of parched corn, reminding WHITCOMB of his former kindness to him, said, “I now pay you -- go, go." WHITCOMB slipped into a canoe and cast it off, and pushed out into the river. The Indian gave him the farewell salute, by motion, and turned back to camp. WHITCOMB quickly pushed back to the shore and cut a hole in the bottom of each remaining canoe, and pushed them off into the stream, resumed his own canoe and crossed immediately to the shore, then cut a hole in his canoe and pushed it off and ran for life. About 4 o'clock he heard the Indians distant whoop of alarm, and soon after the whoop of disappointment and anger when they found all their canoes gone. WHITCOMB pushed on with all his energy, day and night, until safe, not stopping until he had reached Massachusetts, the home of early childhood, where he remained during the war. In due time he received his major's commission and pay, and in his old age received a major's pension. His good friend, the Indian, he never saw or heard of after their night-parting on the island.” 

      The Indians in this part of the country were of the St. Francis tribe of Canada. They had a trail from the territory of that tribe in Canada, to the Penobscot river in Maine. After crossing the Memphremagog, they would take the Clyde river, which would lead them to Island Pond, then cross to the Nulhegan river, and down that to the Connecticut, thence to the upper Ammonoosuc, and up this river to some point in the present town of Milan, N. H., where they crossed to the Androscoggin, thence down the last named river. On this trail they passed through the settled portion of Maidstone, and were a source of great annoyance to the inhabitants. During the Revolutionary war the Indians received $5 bounty for each captive alive, or scalp that was taken by them. 

      The Tories were leagued with the Indians in opposition to the Revolutionists, and as the latter could get no assistance from the government, they were obliged to rely entirely upon their own resources for self-defense against this internal enemy. 

      The inhabitants of both sides of the Connecticut river, in this vicinity, united together for the purpose of self-protection, and chose a committee of safety and built forts for the protection of the women and children. There were three forts built -- two in Northumberland, one at the mouth of the Ammonoosuc river, one in Maidstone, and one in Stratford, nearly opposite Mr. Joseph MERRILL's, in the north part of the town. Whenever the alarm was given that the "Indians or Tories were coming," the women and children would flee to the forts. 

      One incident, worthy of remembrance, as showing somewhat of the trials and hardships to which young mothers were subject in those days of unremitting fear and anxiety, is as follows: The young wife of Caleb MARSHALL, on whose farm one of those forts was built, after seeing the most valuable of her household goods buried in the earth, mounted her horse with a child of about two years and an infant of three weeks old, and went on, unattended, through the wilderness and sparsely settled towns a portion of the way, to her own and her husband's parents in Hampstead, N. H. a distance of 160 miles, where she arrived in safety. 

      Ward BAILEY was chosen captain to take command of these forts and the forces raised to guard them. The young and able-bodied men were sent as scouts to the woods to prevent surprise from the enemy, and those who were not able to go to the woods on this duty were left in the immediate charge of the forts. Capt. BAILEY was living in Maidstone at this time. His house was a few rods north from Col. Joseph RICH's residence. He was very active in opposition to the Tories and Indians, which rendered him particularly obnoxious to them. A party of these savages and Tories came from Canada for the purpose of capturing Capt. BAILEY, Mr. Hugh and other of the inhabitants of Maidstone. They went first to the house of Thomas WOOSTER, in the north part of the town, and took WOOSTER, his hired man, John SMITH, and James LUTHER, who was at the house of Mr. WOOSTER, visiting the girl who subsequently became his wife, little thinking of the grievous calamity about to befall him. With a view of securing John HUGH and some of his sons, the party encamped just back of Mr. BEATTIE's orchard, in the woods at that time, intending to make the attack the next morning at break of day. As it happened, by accident, that morning Mr. HUGH and his eldest son, John, got up very early, intending to go over a line of sable traps which they had set running directly west from the river some five miles. Thinking that their guns might want cleaning, they washed them out, and, in order to dry them, put in a charge of powder and fired them off. At this the Indians took alarm, supposing they were discovered, and that a large force had collected to give them battle. They took what prisoners they had secured to Canada, were pursued by some of the settlers, who hoped to rescue the captives, but were unsuccessful, and returned home. On their long, tedious march through the wilderness their sufferings were intense, particularly from hunger. When the Indians stopped to eat their scanty meal, Luther would sit down before them and watch with a desiring eye; they would now and then throw him a bit, saying, "you are one dog, take that." 

      Mr. LUTHER was afterward redeemed from his captivity, and married the girl from whom he was thus unexpectedly taken, and lived with her in the town of Canaan, to a good old age. Mr. Wooster made the Tories believe he was also a Tory, and was released. The hired man succeeded in effecting his escape from them by running away. 

      In connection with the Indian history is also the following interesting account published in Hemenway's History of Vermont: --

   "We had a visit yesterday from an aged lady who told me of a Mrs. CHAPMAN, whose husband was at work in the field and was attacked by a party of Indians, and his head split open, falling down half on one side and half the other, in sight of his wife in the house, who took her three children and fled to the woods, in hearing of the house. One of the children was a very crying babe, which she put to the breast, every moment expecting it would cry and discover her place of concealment.

      While thus hid under the trees and thick foliage, she could hear the Indians come to the house and imitate, as well as they could, her husband's voice -- saying, "Come, Molly, the Indians gone; come back, Molly, come." As she did not come, they went away, and she with her children were saved. No tongue could tell her sufferings as they passed near her several times in the search, and she expecting to see her children murdered every moment. She had to cross the river to a neighbor's, to make known her sorrow, which she did by wading through, carrying one child, then returning for another, until all were over safely. 

      Mr. CHAPMAN lived in Maidstone at the time. She had the narrative from Mrs. CHAPMAN's own lips, years ago, and many years after the tragedy happened, which the poor woman even then told with streaming eyes and choking grief. It shows what people suffered here in those perilous days. 

      This lady also told me that John FRENCH, father of Major Hains FRENCH, was kept for a long time secreted under a hay stack, his wife carrying him food after dark, as the savages were determined to take him, dead or alive. 

      They went in the night to the house of Hezekiah FULLER, who, hearing them coming, slipped down behind the bed. They asked his wife where her husband was, she said he was gone. They then took her large linen apron and filled it with sugar, and left the house, much to the relief of the frightened inmates.” 

      During the excitement on account of the Tories and their allies, a young man by the name of Ozias CASWELL, drawing a heavy load of hay from a meadow, his oxen refused to draw the load up the steep bank, and CASWELL was exceedingly vexed at his ill luck; finally he took the oxen from the load and set it on fire, giving the alarm that the "Indians burned his hay," which caused all the inhabitants to flee to the forts with much confusion. No Indians being found, CASWELL was charged with having raised a false alarm, and after a long time, acknowledged his guilt and was severely punished for the offense. 

      For a period of sixteen years there was a controversy between the authorities of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, relative to the boundary line between the Provinces, and a contest kept up in regard to the control of the territory in the vicinity of Fort Dummer and that on the opposite side of the river in Hinsdale. Finally, on the 5th of March, 1740, George II decreed that the line between New Hampshire and Massachusetts should be surveyed in accordance with certain special instructions, and in 1741 the line was run by Richard HAZEN, and found to leave Hinsdale and Fort Dummer to the north; whereupon the King recommended the assembly of New Hampshire to care for and protect the settlers about Fort Dummer. From this royal recommend, Gov. WENTWORTH, of New Hampshire, naturally supposed that the King recognized the jurisdiction of New Hampshire as extending to the same point west as Massachusetts; namely, a point twenty miles east of the Hudson river; and accordingly, on the application of William WILLIAMS and sixty-one others, January 3, 1749, he chartered a township six miles, square, in what he conceived to be the southwestern corner of New Hampshire. This town was named Bennington, after Gov. Benning WENTWORTH, the first town in Vermont to receive a royal charter. 

      As early as 1763 Gov. WENTWORTH had granted as many as 138 townships of six miles square, lying west of the Connecticut, and the population in the territory, which had now come to be knows as the New Hampshire Grants, had become quite large. This prosperity and growing power New York could not quietly brook. So, during that year, Lieut. Gov. TRYON, of that Province, laid claim to the territory, by virtue of a grant made by Charles II to the Duke of York, in 1664, which included "all the land from the west side of Connecticut river to the east side of Delaware Bay." Finally, on application of the government of New York, it was decided by George III, in council of July 10, 1764, that the "western bank of the Connecticut river should thereafter be regarded as the boundary line between the Province of New York and Province of New Hampshire." 

      The colonists were surprised and displeased at this decision, but peaceably submitted to it, supposing that it merely effected a change of the jurisdiction, to which they were subject; and the government of New Hampshire, which at first remonstrated, soon acquiesced in the decision. But on the l0th of April, 1765, Gov. COLDEN issued a proclamation, giving a copy of the order of the King, changing the boundary of the territory, and notifying "His Majesty's subjects to govern themselves accordingly." He also at once proceeded to grant the lands to others than the New Hampshire claimants, and when the latter applied to the New York government for a confirmation of the grants they already held, such enormous patent fees were demanded as to make it impossible for them to comply. 

      It was well known in New York that these lands had long been granted by New Hampshire, that they were actually occupied under such grants; and that the new patents were procured in utter disregard of the rights and claims of the settlers. It was also well known by them that the King, in commissioning Benning WENTWORTH governor of New Hampshire, had described his province as reaching westward "until it met his other governments," thus bounding it westerly by New York; and that the eastern boundary of New York was a line twenty miles easterly from the Hudson river, extending from Lake Champlain south to the western line of Massachusetts, was proven by statements in the charter of the Duke of York, upon his accession to the throne of England, in 1685. But notwithstanding all this, New York insisted that not only was the jurisdiction changed thenceforward, but also that the grants made were vacated, and that the titles acquired under them were made void. The settlers were required to re-purchase their lands, which some of them did, though the majority of them peremptorily refused. The lands of such were granted to others, who brought actions of ejectment in the New York courts, where they invariably obtained judgments against the original proprietors. It was found, however, that it was easier to obtain judgments than it was to enforce them. The officers who attempted to serve the writs of possession were forcibly resisted, and sometimes roughly handled. 

      Among the Vermont towns for which petitions to the government of New York had been made for confirmations of charters under the seal of New York, and which, on the 15th day of June, 1772, were advised to be granted "whenever His Majesty's instructions will permit grants to be made of said township," were Barnet, Ryegate, Peacham, Lemington, Averill, Maidstone, and Lunenburgh. Thc people of that territory now comprising Caledonia and Essex counties did not suffer much, if any, by the controversy, 

      In 1769 the King prohibited the governor of New York from issuing any more grants "until His Majesty's further pleasure should be made known.” Meanwhile civil disturbances and open defiance to the New York authorities continued to such an extent that, in 1774, a law was passed by that province ordering the surrender of all offenders, under the penalty of death. In reply, the people of the grants returned a public letter, threatening death to any who should aid in arresting any of her citizens. About this time a plan was made for the formation of a royal province, but the Revolutionary war soon joined the two provinces in a common cause, so that their personal quarrel gradually raged less furiously. In 1789 New York acknowledged the independence of Vermont, and endeavored to adjust all matters of dispute, having previously made grants to those who had suffered by adhering to her allegiance, while Vermont, in turn, paid into the treasury of New York thirty thousand dollars. 

      One complication arising from the land title question, which particularly affected Cumberland county, was the annexation of several New Hampshire towns to Vermont, as follows: On the 12th of March, 1778, a petition was presented to the Vermont legislature by a number of the towns in New Hampshire, praying that they might be allowed to become a part of the former state, and subject to its jurisdiction. The application having been entertained in the assembly for several days, was finally submitted to the people. When the discussion of the subject was renewed, on the 11th of June, at the summer session of the legislature, thirty-five of the representatives, expressing the views of the towns to which they belonged, declared in favor of the union, and twelve against it. Sixteen towns were accordingly added to the territory of Vermont, viz.: Cornish, Lebanon, Dresden (a name given to the district belonging to Dartmouth college, but used only a short time), Lyme, Orford, Piermont, Haverhill, Bath, Lyman, Athrop (now divided into Littleton and Dalton), Enfield, Canaan, Cardigan (now Orange), Landaff, Gunthwaite (now Lisbon), and Morristown (now Franconia). Although no act was passed to that effect, they were regarded as a part of Cumberland county, and were so referred to whenever it became necessary to legislate concerning them. Great dissatisfaction, however, prevailed on both sides of the Connecticut relative to this annexation. In vain were all the efforts of the legislature to restore peace. The experiment of annexation, hazardous in the beginning, soon began to assume an aspect threatening the very foundation of the new state. In this crisis, the general assembly, on the 23d of October, 1778, resolved to lay the subject before their constituents and request them to instruct their representatives how to proceed in relation to this unfortunate connection at the next session of the legislature. The impolicy, as well as the injustice, "of aiding in the dismemberment of New Hampshire," was too apparent to the friends and supporters of Vermont, to admit of a doubt in the course proper to be pursued. On the 12th of February, 1779, the instructions of the representatives on this point were canvassed, at the winter session of the legislature, and, in conformity with these instructions, the union was declared "totally void, null and extinct." 

      With Vermont, the Revolutionary contest possessed a double interest, and while she lent her aid to redress national grievances, she also maintained a spirited contest on her own account, resolving to secure her independence from New York. The territory treated of in this work, however, has none of the romantic stories and traditions of this period that grace the annals of localities earlier settled. The people of the New Hampshire Grants, as may well be supposed, entered with an especially hearty zeal into this contest. 

      The yoke of the mother country having been thrown off, the American colonies rapidly advanced in progress. Vermont expanded into a free and independent state, and was finally annexed to the Union, March 4, 1791. In the mean time, the French nation, led by Napoleon Bonaparte, had arrived at the zenith of military glory, and was giving England great cause for fear and trembling. England, in turn, seeming to forget that her American offspring had arrived at maturity, and was able to protect its own institutions, continued her acts of tyranny. Looking upon herself as mistress of the ocean, during her wars with Napoleon she utterly disregarded the rights of the United States as a neutral nation. Her cruisers would stop and search American vessels, and seize such able-bodied seamen as were needed, on the pretext that they were British subjects. An American frigate, not in a condition to resist, having been subjected to this indignity, almost within sight .of an American port, after receiving several broadsides for denying the right of such search, the President issued a proclamation ordering all British ships- of-war to quit the waters of the United States. Congress also laid an embargo on American vessels, detaining them at home, but afterwards substituted a non-intercourse act, prohibiting trade with Great Britain. All inter-course between this State and the people of Canada was prohibited, without a permit from the governor, under a penalty of $1,000.00 fine and imprisonment at hard labor in the State penitentiary for a term of seven years. 

      Notwithstanding all this, England persisted in her offensive course. All hopes of obtaining concessions on the impressment question from her were at length abandoned. George III, who was still on the throne, had become insane, and the men who had managed affairs were as short-sighted as his advisers had been forty years before, whose folly had provoked the revolution. Longer submission to their arrogant claims were deemed unworthy of a free nation, and war was therefore formally declared by the United States, June 18, 1812. The majority of the people of Vermont considered the declaration of war rash and imprudent, believing that the required issue could have been brought about by legislation; but notwithstanding this feeling, the general assembly of the state passed the following resolution: -- 

    "The constituted authorities of our country having declared war between the United States and Great Britain and dependencies, it is our duty as citizens to support the measure, otherwise we should identify ourselves with the enemy, with no other difference than that of locality. We therefore pledge ourselves to each other and to our government, that with our individual exertions, our example and influence, we will support our government and country in the present contest, and rely on the great Arbiter of events for a favorable result." 

      Both Caledonia and Essex counties were well represented in this contest, and sustained with honor the reputation of their State. During the autumn of 1813, a large drove of fat oxen, containing one hundred head, was purchased, principally in New Hampshire and upon the borders of the Connecticut river, under pretense of furnishing the troops at Burlington and Plattsburgh, but, arriving at Walden, or Hardwick turned their course towards Canada. Information was soon given to the officers of the government, and the cattle were pursued, and overtaken at or near the Canada line, seized and returned. Arriving at Johnson, in Lamoille county, near night, they were yarded for refreshment. About two o'clock the following morning an express arrived from Craftsbury, that a collection, or mob, some seventy in number, were on their way to retake the drove. An immediate call was made for militia to arm, to protect them, which was organized under the command of a Captain Thompson of the army, then on recruiting service here, and sentinels stationed around the yard, with strict orders that no one should pass the lines, on peril of death. About day-light the mob drew near the village, when, discovering the position of the guard, they made a halt, rather than an attack, and learning that warrants were being made for their arrests, dropped their weapons, which were principally clubs and pitchforks, and hastily made their retreat. The oxen were driven to Burlington and disposed of as they were assumed to have been purchased.

      When the war was declared, political feeling ran very high, and each party was ready and willing to injure the opposite. Every opportunity was eagerly embraced and every provocation possible given. So, after the lapse of more than seventy years it is impossible to arrive at the facts in all cases. While no battles were fought here, there were several cases of trouble through smuggling operations. One case to be mentioned was the shooting of BEACH by DENNETT, an officer of customs. The account at that time published is as follows: In September, of 1813, Samuel BEACH of Canaan, Vt., wishing to repair a mill-dam in Canada, obtained a permit from the governor to take over a yoke of oxen to work on the dam. He accordingly sent a man forward with his team. The oxen were taken from him by Lieut. John DENNETT. Mr. BEACH, when endeavoring to obtain his oxen, was shot dead by DENNETT. DENNETT and his associates were put in Guildhall jail, from which DENNETT escaped the following spring. The next August he was retaken, but not until mortally wounded by his pursuers. It appears that DENNETT resisted, and was shot while attempting to kill Mr. MORGAN, by a Mr. SPERRY, another of the pursuers. 

      It would not be strange, in these bitter times, if both parties were hasty in the discharge of their duty. That BEACH was guilty of taking over the cattle to sell, cannot be doubted. 

      John HUGH, of Maidstone, was appointed one of the deputy collectors of customs of Vermont; in 1811, and continued so until 1814, when his brother, Samuel HUGH, was forcibly taken from his own house, in Canaan, by a band of ruffians from Canada, and carried a prisoner out of the United States. The circumstances connected with this outrage were as follows: There were parties from Canada engaged in smuggling through property, chiefly cattle, from the States, and it is to be regretted that many of our citizens were then as now, found who were anxious to give "aid and comfort to the enemy." It was a duty of the officers of customs to put a stop to this contraband business, and they did so, but not without the loss of several lives. 

      Hearing that a large drove of cattle was being started through by the smugglers, Samuel HUGH gathered together a number of men and pursued them. Among the number were Ephraim MAHURIN, Eleazer SLOCUM, William MCALLISTER, --  COGSWELL, and several others -- all armed. The party did not succeed in overtaking the drove of cattle until they got over the line and had been delivered to the purchasers, who were also in force, expecting a conflict. Samuel HUGH was a powerful man, over six feet high and weighed over two hundred pounds. Two men by the name of MORRILL, also powerful men, attacked him at once, and having knocked one of them down, the other was in the very act of snapping a loaded gun at HUGH's breast before he could use his own weapon again, when some one from the American party more expert, fired his rifle and MORRILL fell dead. As several guns were discharged at the same time, it was never known to whom Hugh was indebted for his life. 

      In the melee another of the Canadian party was wounded. His name was also MORRILL, and a brother to the one who was killed. There was also a third man by the same name, a nephew of the others. It was he who made the first attack on HUGH as before mentioned. He had previously discharged his gun at him loaded with ball and buck shot. The charge passed through Mr. HUGH's clothing, but did no injury to his person. But about four weeks after the affair, in the dead of night, Samuel HUGH's house was surrounded by an armed party from Canada, together with their friends and sympathizers in the States, amounting to nearly one hundred persons. He had just moved into a new house. The first intimation of their presence was the breaking in of almost every window. The family, consisting of Mrs. HUGH and a number of small children, were thrown into great alarm and distress, and clung around their natural protector. Seeing guns leveled at him from every direction, one of which was snapped at him but missed fire, he managed to free his person from his wife and children to prevent their being shot, for he had no doubt they came to murder him. This was unquestionably the object of some of them, but they were prevented by the more considerate and less guilty portion of the party. 

      Immediately all the stock and whatever property they could lay their hands on was taken and hurried off. Mr. HUGH himself was placed on a horse with his feet tied under the horse, and armed men walked on each side to guard him. This was in extreme cold weather in November 1814. The news spread like wild fire, and soon as a large party could be collected, (which was not until the next day at noon), to rescue Mr. HUGH, they started in full pursuit. But before they got through the woods they found that they were too far behind to overtake the enemy, and returned. 

      Mr. HUGH was first taken to Stanstead. Here he sent across the line to David HOPKINSON, his brother-in-law, who resided in Derby. On Mr. HOPKINSON's appearance he was arrested himself on some pretext, and kept closely guarded by keepers three days, and could render no assistance. From Stanstead Mr. HUGH was carried to Montreal, thrown into prison and heavily loaded with irons. Here Morrill MAGOON -- afterwards notorious for his counterfeiting and other crimes, for which he was executed -- was his keeper. During his stay here, MAGOON intimated to him that for a certain sum he would secure his escape. This sum was subsequently raised and sent on, but before it came it was decided that Mr. HUGH could not be tried at Montreal, but that he must be sent to Three Rivers. At the last named place he was tried, and on their failing to prove the homicide, he was convicted by the court of some minor offense, and sentenced to be branded and imprisoned for three months. This conviction was to show the petty spleen the courts of Great Britain had against our government. 

      Again Mr. HUGH was loaded with chains and confined in a dark, loathsome cell. His sufferings from vermin and filth, with fare that Christians would have hardly offered their lowest brutes, soon reduced Mr. HUGH to a mere skeleton compared with what he was before entering a British prison. In addition to this, all manner of abuse and indignities were heaped upon him. Soon after peace was declared, his friends got up petitions which were forwarded to the governor of Vermont, and he procured what official papers were necessary and authorized Seth CUSHMAN, of Guildhall, to go to Canada and present them to the governor general of that province. This had the effect to set Mr. HUGH at liberty, who returned to his family, having been imprisoned upwards of one year. The legislature of Vermont granted to his wife, Patty HUGH, $1,000. 

      During the same year a smuggler of some notoriety purchased forty head of cattle in Caledonia county, and started them toward the Canada line, in Canaan. As the principal highway at that time was up the Connecticut river valley, it was there the custom officers were on the lookout. When within a mile of the line, Custom Officer BECKWITH, of St. Johnsbury, with a posse of men, suddenly deprived him of them and headed them towards Caledonia county. He arrived at Lunenburgh at night, and put up at Judge GATES's hotel, and the cattle were turned into a back lot, with twenty men to watch them. At midnight came the smuggler with forty men to retake the cattle. A lieutenant of the United States army, acting as recruiting officer, was at Concord, about ten miles away, with twenty recruits. A message was at once sent for him, and the towns-people were rallied. The loyal landlady, fearing there would be trouble with her guest, immediately dressed him in her "gown and bonnet," and throwing a shawl over her own head they walked through the crowd who were after him to Dr. Theron WEBB's, where he was secreted. They soon left searching for him, and scoured the farm in the darkness for the cattle. 

      The lieutenant and recruits arrived in sight at daylight, and saw so many men and heard so much noise that they loaded their guns and rode to the rescue. The owner had found his cattle and got them headed towards Lancaster, and the towns-people had completely blocked the road. The officer now came forward and took command. Clubs were called into use in pelting the cattle to drive them over each other. After pelting, "jawing" and yelling awhile the cattle broke over the fence and ran for the woods. Some settled their politics by "wrestling," and the one that could "throw" was right; others by jawing; and a little Frenchman took his opponent, a man of 180 pounds, astride his neck, run with him several rods, rolled him the "longest way" down a bank, and left his politics head down and heels up beside a stone wall. The owner, finding that it was of no use, threatened vengeance and retired. The officer took the cattle and the government sustained him. 
 
 

Transcribed and provided by Tom Dunn, 2003.

Source: 
Gazetteer of Caledonia and Essex, Counties, VT., 1764-1887,
Compiled and Published by Hamilton Child; May 1887, Pages 5-124.