T was in Baxter Springs that the long and happy association between the
Millers and the Ponca Indians began and it was Colonel Miller
and his eldest son Joe who converted what appeared to be a Ponca
trail of tears into a happy journey to a new home in the
present state of Oklahoma. The
government had removed the Poncas from their northern home with
the intention of exchanging that land for new land in the immense
holdings of the Cherokee Nation in the Cherokee Strip. Unfortunately,
the tribe was moved before arrangements with the Cherokees had been
completed and thus it was that Chief White Eagle and his tribe were
waiting disconsolately at Baxter Springs, homesick for the north
and increasingly uneasy as sickness afflicted many of the tribe,
a sickness attributed to the new climate. Colonel Miller and Chief
White Eagle had many conferences over the plight of the tribe and
from those conferences arose a mutual and lifelong respect. While
inspecting land in the Cherokee Strip with a view to acquiring
ranging rights for his cattle, Miller, Joe and a number of
cowboys found themselves near the proposed Ponca reservation. They
made camp and the father and son thoroughly investigated the new
land. From his explanation Miller was satisfied that if White Eagle
would visit the country he would accept the offer of the government
and that after the natural homesickness of the Indians had been
overcome they would find health and happiness in their new home. Knowing
that White Eagle intended to leave soon for Washington to make
final refusal of the land and to attempt once more to induce the
government to return them to the north, Miller realized that it was
imperative to convey what he had discovered to the chief. To send a
written message under the circumstances would be worse than useless.
Not wanting to abandon his own trip, Miller decided to send Joe as
his messenger.
Many fathers would have hesitated to send a mere boy on such a trip
but Miller knew that his son was fully competent to care for himself
under all conditions to be met in the open, as he had observed from
the constant companionship of his son, and furthermore, Joe possessed
other qualifications for the mission, for not only did he speak the
Indian language with considerable fluency, which he had learned from
Indian boys at Baxter Springs, but also he was thoroughly familiar
with his father’s arguments and desires with regard to Ponca
settlement in the Cherokee Strip. If
Joe felt any hesitancy in starting upon the long ride to White
Eagle’s camp at Baxter Springs, it was not evident as he rode away
from his father’s camp with a boyish smile upon his face and a
parting wave of the hand. He rode early and late through the Osage
country and through the Cherokee Nation and arrived at the Ponca camp
in less time than his father had expected. He was just in time, for
White Eagle was planning to leave for Washington the next day. The
chiefs and head men of the Poncas gathered that night in the tepee of
White Eagle and for the first time in the memory of the tribe a white
boy sat in the center of the council and answered their questions in
their own tongue. Little did anyone in that council realize that in
the years to come this boy, grown to manhood, would be in the council
circle at White Eagle’s right hand and the Poncas would call him
chief. Far into the night the Indians smoked and talked. The boy,
hesitating at times as he searched his memory for the best word to
use, answered their questions with a frankness and directness
which convinced them of the truthfulness of his answers. With
a stick Joe drew upon the dirt floor of the tepee a rough map of the
country. He showed them where the Chicaskia met the Salt Fork and
where that river ran into the Arkansas; where the valleys
widened and where the high prairie was to be found. He told them of
the horse high bluestem grass in the valleys and the heavy vines of
wild grape in timbered bends; of the tall pecan trees and the
thickets of wild plums; of the prairie chickens which flew from under
the pony’s feet, and of the deer and turkey which ranged through the
timber; of the red bluffs of the Salt Fork River, and the streams of
water where a pony could always drink. They wondered when he
told them how sand bars in summer whitened with salt. To the Poncas,
homesick and famished, stricken with fever and with no land to call
their own, the picture of the country made in their minds by the
report of young Joe was that of the Promised Land. After
this description, the Indians smoked in silence. With a look White
Eagle questioned his chiefs; he found his answer in their eyes.
Knocking the ashes from his pipe as a sign that the council was
ended, the chief spoke to the boy, saying: “We
have listened to you because you speak the words of your father.
Your message is good and we knew him for our friend. Tomorrow
I will ride with you and we will see this country of which you speak.
I hope we will find a home for our people. You have ridden far to
bring us this word and the Poncas do not forget. Now you shall
sleep.”1 The
next day Joe led White Eagle and a group of observers toward the land
which he had so vividly described. The Indians
found it so much to their liking that they returned to
their people and advised that they accept the offer of the
government.
This was done and the Poncas moved in 1879 to their
new home. There they still reside and they have not only found
contentment and health but prosperity. White Eagle died February 1,
1914, at the age of ninety-seven years, but he lived to see his
statement that the Poncas would not forget proved true. While
Joe was negotiating with the Poncas, Colonel Miller continued his
journey up the Salt Fork River and selected in 1879 the location for
his second ranch, known as the Salt Fork Ranch,
near the big sand mounds where Lamont, Oklahoma, is now
located. This was outside the limits of the Ponca country and was
leased from the Cherokee Indians. On this ranch the 101 made its home
for years until the sale of the Cherokee Strip
and the announcement of the government to open it for settlement in
1893. In
the meantime Joe, grown to young manhood, was partner with his father
in the operation of the Salt Fork Ranch. Through all the years he
kept up his acquaintance with the Poncas who lived on the new
reservation south of the ranch. The distance from the ranch to Ponca
village being only a few miles,
visits back and forth were frequent. Foreseeing the opening of the
Cherokee Strip to settlement, Colonel Miller directed Joe to
open negotiations with the Poncas with a view of leasing their lands
for grazing purposes. The Poncas did not forget their previous
statement, and when their friend Joe again came to their council
circle he had but to state his needs and the Indians extended the use
of their lands to him for such time as he might need them. The
individuals in charge of the Indians’ affairs did not transact
business in such offhand manner, but Colonel Miller experienced
no difficulty in securing the government’s approval of the leases
which gave the 101 outfit control of the grazing lands in the Ponca
country.
1 101 Magazine, April, 1925, p. 9.
Before
the Cherokee Strip country was cleared of cattle and opened to
settlement in 1893, the 101 cattle were moved in the fall of 1892 a
few miles down the Salt Fork River; a new dugout was made in the side
of the bluff; a corral was built and the 101 settled down into its
new headquarters. It
was an ideal location that Colonel Miller chose in the fall of 1892
for the headquarters of his third ranch—the present 101 Ranch.
There were thousands of acres of rolling prairie for range which he
could lease from the Poncas as he pleased, and which he could
purchase in time. There were wonderfully fertile bottoms for wheat,
corn, alfalfa, vegetables, and fruits of all kinds. The Salt Fork
River wound its way through it all to provide during all seasons an
abundant supply of water for the big herds. All the natural resources
were present for the establishment of a permanent cattle empire on
the prairie. In
the vernacular of the West a ranch is known as an “outfit”
and whether it happens to be owned by an individual or by a company,
it is universally called by the name of the mark with which the
cattle are branded. There is, for example, the “Bar C”
outfit, the “Spur” outfit, the “Four 6’s” outfit,
the “XIT” outfit. The brand of a big ranch is an intangible
asset of great value. It is the insignia of the cattleman and stands
at once for honesty in dealing and for the quality of the cattle he
raises. Just as in the science of heraldry the coat of arms stands
for noble deeds and accomplishments, so in the code of the cattle
country a brand represents years of endeavor to produce a
certain quality of cattle. When the cattle of a well-known brand are
offered for sale, prospective buyers know at once
the kind of stock they can expect to see. They know that for years
the cattle bearing this particular brand have always conformed to
certain standards. Such brands on the side of a steer have the
significance of the hall-mark of a piece of silver. Colonel
Miller’s cattle brand was “101” and when he moved his
“outfit” down from his Salt Fork Ranch, he continued to use
the 101 brand on the cattle and from that brand the present 101 Ranch
got its name. The first headquarters was a dugout erected in 1892, on
the south side of the Salt Fork River opposite the present “White
House.” The front of the dugout was of lumber, the roof was of
sod, and the back of the house was set in the hill. It provided
headquarters for the new 101 Ranch from 1892 to 1903, during which
time the family home was maintained at Winfield, Kansas, in order
that Colonel Miller’s wife and younger children might be more
comfortable. The delay in building a new headquarters home was due to
the uncertainty surrounding purchase of the land from the Ponca
Indians. Restrictions required the Poncas to secure patents from the
Indian Office at Washington before they could sell their lands, and,
for that reason, purchase was delayed for several years. It was not
possible to build permanent improvements until title to the land
was acquired. Buildings on leased lands belonged to the tribe.
When Colonel Miller finally secured satisfactory options on several
tracts of land, he selected the present site of the “White
House” on the north side of the Salt Fork, and proceeded to
formulate plans for his new ranch home. The
plans called for a pretentious building. Colonel Miller’s
familiarity with the beautiful plantation homes of his native
Kentucky no doubt greatly influenced the architecture of this
new structure. This influence, coupled with his ambition to own a
large estate explains Colonel Miller’s plans for palatial splendor
on the then open prairie of Oklahoma. The completed building
was a three story frame house with basement, furnished with the
handsome things from the Winfield home. A complete
waterworks plant occupied part of the basement and every
comfort and convenience of that time was installed. In its setting it
was indeed a palace on the plains. On all sides there
were miles upon miles of broad and rolling prairie inhabited
only by bands of roving Indians living in tepee villages. There
were no broad highways—only the dusty trails over which the Texas
longhorns had traveled to northern markets. It
was new country and it was in such a setting that Colonel Miller
visioned his new headquarters on the prairie along the Salt
Fork River. Unfortunately
Colonel Miller did not live to see his new home completed. He died of
pneumonia at the old dugout headquarters on his ranch, Saturday,
April 25, 1903, at the age of 61 years and 20 days.2 Short funeral services were held at the ranch home on Sunday,
conducted by the Methodist missionary at the Ponca Agency, and
his body was shipped to Crab Orchard, Kantucky, the old home of the
family, for burial, An escort of cowboys rode beside the hearse as it
passed alongside the ranch’s great wheat fields, across a broad
pasture where the cattle grazed in sight of the trail road, and
thence to the railroad station at Marland (formerly Bliss). Many
Ponca Indians, from whom most of the ranch lands were leased,
accompanied the body. Chief White Eagle, together with several
of his head men, viewed the body at the ranch house, but refused
to go to the railroad station. White Eagle was a proud man and said:
”I would not weep where men and women could see me. I must
retire alone.”3 Colonel
Miller had always been vigorous in body, but he felt his vitality
slipping from him soon after he was stricken and said he would not
recover. He called his family to his bedside and made known his
final wishes in the management of his 50,000 acre ranch. He left no
will, but decreed that the huge ranch should remain intact forever in
the Miller family. To his wife, Mrs. Mollie A. Miller, he left
$30,000 in life insurance. He said that the approach of death
did not alarm him, and he watched its coming without distress. He
played with his grandchildren almost to the end, his mind remaining
clear and active. His
Kentucky blood was shown in his unusual personality. He made strong
friends and bitter enemies; to one he was steadfast,
to the other defiant. His hospitality was unbounded, and on his ranch
and at his city home in Winfield, he gave guests the best his table
and cellar could produce. Three hours before his death he insisted that friends who had come to bid him farewell
should sit down to dinner, and regretted that his health was not such
as to permit him to join them. He gave freely to the poor, and his
compassion for their distress was such that on Thanksgiving day he
always gave a steer to those in greatest need.
2Ponca City Courier, April 27, 1903. 3Kansas City Star, April 27, 1903.
At
the time of his death, the 101 Ranch had grown to huge proportions.
Mr. Miller paid the Ponca and Otoe Indians $32,500 annual rental for
his 50,000 acre ranch; other running expenses amounted to $75,000
annually. The year before his death, 13,000 acres were sown to wheat,
3,000 in corn, and 3,000 in forage crops. The income was from
$400,000 to $500,000 annually. Two hundred men were employed on
the ranch and $33,000 worth of tools and machinery were used in the
fields and more than 200 ponies were used in herding cattle on the
ranges.4 For
thirty-one years, Colonel Miller had engaged in the cattle
business in Oklahoma, and his judgment of the value of cattle on the
hoof was remarkable, few persons being better able than he to tell
what the worth of a lean steer turned loose on the range in the
spring would be at shipping time. He had mastered the economics of
farming to such a degree of perfection that the 101 Ranch was
noted as the most profitable farming property in the West. He had a
system of double planting the corn fields that gave double use of the
land. By the time the corn had been harvested, the cow peas had grown
high enough to make good pasturage. Also, after the cutting of wheat
in June and July the fields were plowed and sowed in kafir corn. This
was ready for the pasture in October, but the field was first drilled
in wheat and the cattle were allowed to tramp in the wheat and nibble
off the blades of kafir corn. During the winter, after the kafir corn
had been eaten, the wheat grew up and was pastured until spring. This
system of getting two returns from a single field was an idea
originated by Mr. Miller. It was his most successful plan for making
money out of farming. Colonel
Miller’s plans for the new ranch home were carried out immediately
after his death by Mrs. Miller and her sons. The new structure, when
completed late in 1903, was considered
one of the finest residences in Oklahoma. The Winfield (Kansas)
home was sold and Mrs. Miller, her three sons, and daughter ate their
first meal in the new residence on Christmas day, 1903. The first
social event to take place in the new home was the marriage, October
31, 1903, of Alma, Mrs. Miller’s only daughter, to William Henry
England, an attorney-at-law at Winfield. The marriage took place
before the building was fully
completed and before the family had moved in, as a result of
the earlier postponement of the marriage due to Colonel Miller’s
death. Through mutual agreement, Mrs. England received
at the time of her marriage her share in the 101 Ranch estate.5 Mrs.
England had received an excellent education. Her father had been a
man of prodigious pride, not content unless he had supplied his
family with every comfort and advantage, as demonstrated by
maintaining for it a comfortable home in Winfield while he resided in
the cruder dwelling at the ranch, and by his interest in his
children’s education. Winfield offered better religious and
educational advantages and it was partly for this reason that he
maintained his home there so long. Miller’s background forbade
his children attending the public schools of Kansas with Negroes—the
practice there. Therefore he employed private tutors, following the
custom of Kentucky. Later Alma went to Miss Nold’s Seminary for Young
Ladies in Louisville, Kentucky, completing her formal education at
Vassar College, where she was graduated in June, 1889. The sons
were given actual business training in the affairs of the ranch when
they were very young, for Miller looked to them to carry on from
generation to generation the management of the cattle empire he was
building on the Salt Fork.
4 Ponca City Courier, April 27, 1903. 5 The Englands moved to Kansas City a short time after the marriage
where Mr. England practiced law. Later they returned to Ponca City
where Mr. England continued his law practice and served as legal
adviser to the ranch until his death in 1923. The first son, William
Henry, Jr., was born May 27, 1906; the second son, George Miller,
October 12, 1907; the first daughter, Mary Ann, September 11, 1910;
the second daughter, Eleanor, September 12, 1911; the third daughter,
Louise, November 24, 1913, and the third son, Victor, July 12, 1919.
At
the death of Colonel Miller, following his expressed wish and their
own inclinations, the Miller heirs made no division of the huge 101
Ranch except the mutual agreement with the daughter,
Alma, at the time of her marriage whereby she accepted as her share
of the estate certain properties not directly connected with the 101
Ranch holdings. The family decided to continue the work so well
started, and to direct their united energies to its accomplishment.
The oldest son, Joe, naturally assumed the leadership of the family,
since he had been de facto manager
with his father for a long time. It is evident without comment that
only one brought up and trained as he to handle wisely the daily
problems that arose could have carried on this great enterprise. His
splendid physique, the result of outdoor life, his clear eye and
quick judgment, his fairness in dealing with men, and his poise
under all circumstances, made him an example and leader in anything
he undertook. The younger sons, Zack and George, who had varied
school and college work with summer work on the ranch, soon assumed
positions of responsibility in the various activities of the ranch.
Mrs. Miller never relinquished her interest in the affairs of the
ranch. She was a remarkable woman in many ways. She possessed
exceptional ability and rare judgment regarding the business affairs
of the ranch. She was always consulted in regard to the big
transactions of the Miller Brothers and their success was due largely
to her excellent judgment. With
the development of the ranch the Miller brothers naturally and
easily fell into the particular work for which each had the most
aptitude. Colonel Joe devoted his time to the general management of
the ranch, and the farming enterprises and orchards were his
recognized hobbies. He was a natural horticulturist and devoted much
of his energies to experiments along that line that were of much
value to Oklahoma in future years. He was a man of the southern
plantation type and in addition a showman. He was farseeing, liberal,
with few equals as a host. In 1915 he was made an honorary colonel on
the staff of Governor Robert L. Williams of Oklahoma and was
familiarly known as “Colonel Joe.” He was married to Miss
Lizzie Trosper in 1896 and to them were born two sons, George William
and Joseph C., Jr., and one daughter, Alice. His second marriage in
1926 was to Miss Mary Verlin and of this marriage one son was born,
Will Brooks Miller. During
Colonel Joe’s early manhood an incident occurred that reveals his
character. He had attended the Central University
at Richmond, Kentucky, for three years, but despite the insistence of
his parents, he refused to go back the fourth year. His father told
him at the time he would give him a chance to make good. So he handed
the young man $10,000 and told him to strike out for himself. With
his father’s gift added to the accumulations of his own enterprises,
Joe turned to Texas as the land offering opportunity. This was in the
last years of the drives of the big herds up the trail. To the life
of the cow country he was not a stranger in spite of his youth; for
many years he had been the constant companion of his father, and more
than once had clipped a few weeks from each end of the school year in
order to share in the activities of his father’s business. His father
had made the 101 brand famous over the Southwest in those days of the
cattle kings. The long days on the dusty trail, the swimming herds in
the swollen streams, the weary hours of night herding, and the
headlong dash into the lightning-riven darkness ahead of the
thundering stampede was a rough school, but the school which made
cowmen, and from this school young Miller could well claim to be
a graduate. Arriving
in Texas he deposited his money in a bank, and thinking to try the
life of the city he sought employment in a store, but a few days
convinced him that his future career did not lie in the mercantile
line. Leaving the city he went to Alpine, Texas, where he knew
the herds would be gathering for the northern drive. At this time
there was in his mind a half formed plan to defer making any
permanent investment, and to take service with one of the herds going
to Kansas or the Cherokee Strip and work his way north on the trail.
As a matter of fact, like many young men he found his new
liberty of action not entirely satisfactory and he was homesick for a
sight of the Salt Fork, and to ride again a horse with 101 on its
left hip. At
Alpine, young Miller found the preparation for the northern drive in
full swing and he saw many familiar faces among the cowboys and
owners. After many weeks among strangers, the hearty slaps on the
shoulder, accompanied with a friendly “Hello, Joe,” raised
the spirits of the homesick boy. He looked about him with quickened
interest; he was in familiar atmosphere. Among the cowmen he
heard some talk of the
unfortunate illness of Lee Kokernut, his father’s friend. Kokernut
had gathered a herd of 2,500 head of four and five-year-old steers,
intending to drive them to Montana but had been suddenly stricken
with illness, making it impossible for him to accompany his herd.
Without any thought that his call would result in his looked-for
opportunity, Joe paid a visit to Mr. Kokernut and found him very much
concerned over the condition of his business affairs. After some
conversation Mr. Kokernut expressed regret that Joe’s father had not
arrived in Texas so that he could turn over his herd to him. Here Was
Joe’s opportunity and he was quick to take it. One can imagine the
surprise of the cowman when the youth offered to take his entire
outfit off his hands. Those were the days of the cattle business when
the man and not the method was considered; deals involving hundreds
of thousands of dollars were decided by the nod of a head, and
written agreements were the exception rather than the rule. A
few minutes sufficed to close the deal between them, and when Joe
left the sick room, he carried a note to Mr. Kokernut’s foreman which
was the written evidence that he was the owner of the trail herd
and outfit. By
the payment of four dollars a head and his verbal promise to pay
the balance of the purchase price, Joe became the owner of 2500 head
of steers, 136 head of saddle horses, a chuck wagon and mules. The
note to the foreman also acted as a transfer of allegiance of a
foreman, cook and fourteen cowboys. The cowboys were soldiers of
fortune and served the man who paid and fed them. The herd was being
held on grazing ground forty miles south of Alpine, trail
branded, supplies in the wagon and the cowboys anxious to be on the
trail. The morning after Joe arrived at the outfit he sat on one of
his newly acquired saddle ponies and watched his herd take shape into
a long column of shuffling hoofs and rattling horns and swing its
head to the north. His first drive as owner had begun. Risking
stampedes and all the hardships of the border country, young Miller
drove the cattle over the trail to his father’s ranch south of
Hunnewell in the Cherokee Strip. When he arrived his father looked
the cattle over and told him he had made a good deal. It developed
that he had, because he doubled his money on the cattle. That was in
1887. The next year he made a similar trip and then the Santa Fe
built a railroad
through that country, which marked the end of driving cattle over the
trail from Texas to Oklahoma. Zachary
T. Miller, the second son, was and still is, the cowman, typical of
the days of the old West; a wonderful horseman, and like his father,
a trader always. For that reason, he naturally devoted his time
and energies to the livestock interests of the ranch. His deals in
livestock were not limited to those handled on the ranch, but
included large wholesale transactions in cattle, mules, and horses
which never set foot on the home ranch. It is true that he had the
advantage of having grown up in this work under the splendid tutelage
of his father, but all men do not improve even under the best of
tutors, without natural ability and intelligent application. The
trader in Zack is revealed in his purchase of Mexican army supplies.6 He
was in Texas on a deal for some livestock to be shipped to the 101
Ranch, when he became interested in the situation of General
Mercardo, commanding the Mexican Federals besieged by the rebel
forces of Villa. Actuated by a desire to see some of the fighting,
the young cattleman went to Presidio, Texas, an American town
situated directly across the Rio Grande from the beleaguered town. It
soon became evident that General Mercardo would be compelled to
retire to the American side or face extermination at the hands of
General Villa. As the Federal forces consisted almost entirely of
cavalry, it meant that a large number of horses and mules would
be brought to the American side. When this phase of the situation
suggested itself to Mr. Miller, he wired his brother Joseph to join
him. Shortly after the arrival of the brother the expected happened,
and the beaten Federals swarmed over the river bringing with them
horses, mules and transport, arms, artillery and equipment and
surrendered to the waiting soldiers of the United States. The
situation was without parallel in history. The United States and
Mexico not being at war, the horses, arms and accoutrements could not
be considered as spoils of war. They were, however, held as being
subject to the custom duty imposed on imports. The Mexican consul at
Marfa, Texas, received authority from his government to sell the
articles if a purchaser could be found to pay the customs duties. The Miller
brothers, representing the 101 Ranch, promptly made an offer to the
consul which was accepted and the purchase price paid in cash. Paying
the customs charges, they came into possession of all the effects of
the defeated army. This was probably the first time that the entire
equipment of an army was disposed of in a single sale. The purchase
included 3,600 head of horses, mules and pack burros, saddles and
bridles, transport wagons and harness, artillery and battery wagons,
carbines, revolvers and sabers, ammunition and the general supplies
of an army in the field. The removal of the embargo on arms and
munitions of war enabled the 101 Ranch to dispose of a greater
part of the arms and equipment to their former owners, the
Huerta government, who shipped them by rail and water into territory
still in their control. Some of the animals were shipped to Texas
pastures controlled by the 101 Ranch, and about a thousand head were
sent to the ranch in Oklahoma.
6101 Magazine, September, 1916.
In
1923, Governor J. C. Walton of Oklahoma made Zachary T. Miller
an honorary colonel on his staff and he is widely known today over
the country as “Colonel Zack.” He was married twice.
His first marriage, in 1906, was to Miss Mabel Pettijohn and there
was born one daughter, Virginia. In 1919, the second marriage was
with Miss Marguerite Blevins, and to them there was born one son,
Zack, Jr., and one daughter, Blevins. Colonel Zack, today, with boots
and a wide sombrero remains the typical cowman of the old West. George
L. Miller, the youngest son, was the financial genius of the big
ranch, a gentlemanly, and, like his mother, a gracious host. Upon the
death of his father, he assumed active direction and management of
the financial interests of the family, being in charge of the
executive staff and the accounting department of the ranch. The sales
and purchases of the ranch reached an enormous total each year. The
development of an accounting system whereby a complete check on each
of the varied enterprises was possible was the work to which he
devoted much of his time and talent.7 The system he adopted at the
101 Ranch has been pronounced by experts as a model for simplicity
and completeness. And today these records tell the detailed
financial story of the ranch. The 101 Ranch prospered under his financial
guidance. The big transactions in cattle, horses, mules, wheat, corn,
and oil necessitated that he borrow large sums of money. His ability
as a financier was recognized throughout Oklahoma, and in 1919,
Governor J. B. A. Robertson of Oklahoma made him an honorary
colonel on his staff. In contrast to the familiar “Colonel”
always attached to his brothers, he was known among a wide circle of
friends as plain “George L.” In 1908, he married Miss May
Porter and to them one daughter, Margaret, was born.
7 Margaret M. Tierney to Ellsworth Collings, February 14, 1936.
While,
as in all great enterprises, each man has his own particular
part to carry on and for which he is responsible, yet in an
organization such as the 101 Ranch, there must be co-operation
in thought and agreement in action, or else a chaotic condition
will develop and bring ruin to the whole thing. It was this splendid
co-operation and mutual understanding of the Miller brothers that
enabled them to bring to realization the vision of their father. None
of the Miller brothers drew any salary for his service. If one
wanted money he drew freely on the 101 bank account by an
established custom of mutual consent. If Colonel Zack wanted to take
a trip to Cuba he placed a 101 check book in his pocket and paid his
bills. If Colonel Joe wanted to charter a special train and invite
all the editors of Oklahoma down to the ranch for a buffalo
barbecue, he did it and no one asked any questions about the cost. If
George L. wanted to make a trip to New York, he consulted no one
about the expenses. There was no checking up, no questions about
doing this or that. Each one did his work whole-heartedly and the
profits were the common and joint fund of all. It was an unusual and
brotherly arrangement which permitted each man to pursue freely his
particular line of work. It
seems unusually fortunate—the farmer, the cowman, the financier
within one family—but it is nevertheless true the Miller brothers
individually possessed abundant natural aptitudes along these
lines, and it was the development of these aptitudes that marked the
beginning of the 101 Ranch’s greatest growth. They were not afraid to
venture along the lines of their particular abilities. When they
lost, they tried again. It was that spirit, the spirit of boldness,
inherited from their father, that explains the tremendous development
of the 101 Ranch
along so many lines. And withal they were schooled, from early
childhood, in the arts of cowboy life. They grew up in the cattle
country as a cattleman’s sons, trained to ride, to rope, to brand,
and to shoot. A dugout made of sod on the Salt Fork was their first
headquarters home; the cowboys and Indians their associates; the
plains their life, whereon longhorn steers roved in herds of
thousands. They were reared as cowmen and as pioneers. From the very
beginning they thought in terms of thousands and ten thousands. The
rise of the 101 Ranch under their management to a realization of
their father’s dream was the logical child of their schooling in the
West of the old days.
During
the early morning of January 14, 1909, a disastrous fire destroyed
the big ranch house, together with its contents, including the
clothing of the occupants.8 The fire was discovered at about 2 A.M., when flames had extended practically to all parts of the house and there
was only time for the occupants to escape without attempting to save
anything except the clothes they had on. The fire was believed to
have started in the basement of the building and its origin was
unknown. The house was located at some distance from the barns and
other buildings on the ranch and none of these was endangered by the
flames. “Little Sol,” favorite dog of George L. Miller,
gave his life in an effort to arouse his master. It was Mrs. Miller
who noticed the smoke about fifteen minutes before the walls fell.
One trunk and the baggage of some of their guests on the top floor
was all that was saved. The ranch house, one of the finest residence
buildings in Oklahoma, and its contents were insured for $7,500. “When
they lost, they tried again” seemed the guiding maxim of the
Millers, and they always improved their former efforts “when
they tried again.” Upon destruction by fire of their beautiful
headquarters home, they immediately began construction of a new and
better home on the same site. The plans called for construction of
one of the most ornate, modern and commodious country residences in
Oklahoma. Colonel Joe Miller had general superintendency of the
preliminary work of
construction. When he consulted an architect, he gave orders for a
building so absolutely fireproof that if necessary a bonfire could be
set in every room without damage to the building. Steel and concrete
were used and the only portions that could be burned were the floors,
doors, and ornamental woodwork; otherwise the entire building, from
cellar to garret, was intact, even the roof being of asbestos
material. The plans and specifications contemplated an expenditure of
$35,000.
In
the midst of the ranch’s greatest growth, Mrs. Mollie A. Miller,
mother of the Miller brothers, died at the “White House,”
Sunday morning, July 31, 1918, at the age of 72 years.10 She
maintained her interests in the affairs of the ranch at all times and
every pleasant day, not given over to her duties as hostess, found
her in her automobile visiting some part on the ranch. She was an
enthusiastic observer of the motion pictures produced on the
ranch and was an interested spectator of the production of all the
big scenes. The 101 Ranch Show was always favored with her presence
at the opening performance and at some time during the season
she visited the show on the road. She traveled in Europe with the
show and entertained European royalty. “Mother”
Miller, with snow-white hair, was the name by which she was known to
hundreds of cowboys who worked on the big ranch. To any tale of
sickness and misfortune she was always a patient and sympathetic
listener and was generous with material aid as well as motherly
advice. She was gracious, hospitable, and charitable. Her death was a
great blow to the cowboys as well as to her famous sons, who now
assumed full responsibility in management of the 101 Ranch. She was
buried in the I.O.O.F. cemetery in Ponca City. When
Colonel George W. Miller established the 101 Ranch in 1893, it was a
ranch and not a farm. For several years, the ranch business was
concerned exclusively with cattle. During this time, not a blade of
wheat or a stalk of corn was grown. Agriculture was an unknown
science on the vast ranges of the 101 Ranch. It was a cattle domain
and Colonel Miller was a cattleman. But twenty-five years later, at
the time of Mrs. Miller’s death, the ranch under the management
of the Miller brothers was a veritable agricultural kingdom, as a
result of the inevitable march of progress. The age of the buffalo
and Indian was followed by the era of the longhorn and the
cattleman. Then came the settler and the farmer, which wrought a marvelous
change in the ranches on the broad and rolling prairies of Oklahoma.
The farmer brought the idea of diversified production to the
ranchman and thus the shorthorn cattle displaced the longhorns.
The Miller brothers, young and alert, followed all these changes in
the West of the old days. They established herds of blooded cattle,
added a variety of new crops, planted vast orchards, erected modern
farm buildings, introduced power machinery, built slaughter and
packing houses, put up hundreds of miles of fences, initiated
scientific methods in every department of the ranch, and began
systematic experiments in an effort to improve what they had.
The 101 Ranch’s change, in a word, from a cattle domain on the open
ranges of Oklahoma to the largest diversified farm in the world, is
the result of Miller brothers’ efforts to keep pace with the march of
civilization. They met, joined, and led this march, thus playing an
outstanding part in placing Oklahoma in the front rank of the
agricultural and oil producing states of the United States.
10Ponca City Courier, August 1, 1918.
THE 101 EMPIRE
TS
north boundary the Kansas line, its east the Osage Reservation, and
its west the Panhandle of Texas and the ”No Man’s Land” of
western Oklahoma, the Cherokee Strip comprised a vast region of
more than six million acres occupying an area fifty-eight miles wide
and more than one hundred and eighty miles long. Ideal grazing land,
the Strip had been used for a number of years following the Civil War
by cattlemen to graze and fatten their herds without payment to the
Cherokee Indians, the owners of the Strip. The grass of the
Strip shared the rare quality of that in the Osage Reservation, one
of the richest grasslands on the continent, and the Texas trail
drivers did not fail to observe the fine quality of the grass as they
grazed their herds from southern Texas to northern markets. When
delayed by swollen streams or by tired and footsore animals, they
permitted their herds to scatter for the time on the grass that cost
them nothing. And, after the railroads in their westward expansion
built loading pens at such places as Arkansas City, Hunnewell, Kiowa,
and Caldwell, cattlemen when delayed in loading, as occurred
frequently, simply turned their herds loose on the Strip pastures. From
grazing cattle along the trail drives and at the shipping
points, it was but a short step to grazing herds in the Cherokee
Strip throughout the grazing season. Grazing permits could be
secured from the Cherokees for a small consideration, if not
free, thus making unnecessary the long and tiresome drives.
Consequently, it was only a short time until cattle ranches
began to be established in the Strip and before long, it resembled
the settled ranges of Texas.
Great
herds grazing on the ranges soon attracted the attention of
officials of the Cherokee Nation and they accordingly decided to
obtain more revenue from the ranches by sending officers to
collect a grazing tax of one dollar a head annually on all
cattle. When the ranchers protested vigorously, a compromise was
agreed to, whereby a grazing tax was imposed of
forty cents a head for grown cattle and twenty-five cents a head for
all animals less than two years of age, the tax to be paid annually.1 The Cherokee Strip Livestock Association grew out of this experience,
for it was organized at Caldwell, Kansas, March 1883 by ranchers who
felt that some form of organization was necessary.2 Practically
all the stockholders in the Association were ranch owners in the
Cherokee Strip. The officers immediately set about to secure
from the Cherokee Nation a more satisfactory plan of leasing
grazing land and succeeded in a short time in leasing the entire
unoccupied part of the Cherokee Strip for $100,000 annually for a
period of five years. Surveyors were appointed by the Association to
determine the boundaries of each ranchowner’s range and as a
result the Strip was subdivided into slightly more than a
hundred ranches. Each ranchman was given a lease on his range by the
Association for the entire period of five years at a price of one and
a fourth cents an acre every six months. The ranches were fenced by
the owners, leaving wide trails for the cattle coming up from Texas. One
of the early ranchmen in the Strip, as we have seen, had been Colonel
Miller,3 whose two tracts—on Deer Creek and on the Salt Fork
River—were about equal in size, and included a total of sixty
thousand acres.’ It was on the Deer Creek Ranch that Colonel Miller
in 1880 built the first barbed-wire fence in the Cherokee Strip and
by 1884 he had seventy-two miles of fence around his pasture. Although
the ranchmen were able to adjust their own difficulties easily
through the Cherokee Strip Association, they experienced difficulties
outside of their organization that could not be adjusted so easily.
Considerable opposition from the farmers along the Kansas line
developed because the cattlemen were permitted to occupy the Cherokee
Strip while they were excluded.
At the same time there was a general feeling that the Indians had not
received full value for the grazing lands and that the Cherokee Strip
Livestock Association had resorted to unfair
practices in securing the lease. These difficulties, along with the
persistent agitation for opening the lands to white settlement,
resulted in Congress appointing a commission to purchase
the entire Strip from the Cherokees at $1.25 an acre. Matters were
complicated by the ranchmen offering to purchase the
lands at a price of $3.00 an acre. The Indians naturally refused
the government’s offer, and, in order to compel them to accept, the
Secretary of the Interior advised the President to remove
all cattle from the lands and to stop all revenue from the leases. He
contended that the lease made by the Cherokee Nation to the Cherokee
Strip Livestock Association was void; that
the Indians had no authority to lease the lands, and that the
President had the power and right to declare the leases in force
void. The President accordingly issued a proclamation in
1890 forbidding grazing on the lands of the Cherokee Strip and
ordered all cattle to be removed immediately. The removal order
was modified but the brief extension of time did not affect the
break-up of the big ranches established in the Cherokee Strip.
1 Edward Everett Dale, The Range Cattle Industry, p. 47. 2Senate Executive Document, Forty-eighth Congress, second session, I, 149. 3 Secretary of Cherokee Strip Livestock Association Report Names of Lessees in the Cherokee Strip, Phillips Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman. 4Senate Document, Forth-ninth Congress, first session, p. 309, Phillips Collection, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma. 5Senate Executive Document, No. 54, Forty-eighth Congress, first session, p. 148.
The
Indians, seeing their last hope of revenue from the leases vanishing,
yielded to the inevitable, and late in 1891 signed
an agreement with the government to sell the entire Cherokee
Strip lands for a fraction over $1.40 an acres.6 The lands were
surveyed into homesteads of 160 acres, providing homes
for more than forty thousand families. This plan to establish
small homes marked the end of the big cattle ranches in the Cherokee
Strip, since the very nature of cattle ranching demanded
large tracts of grazing lands. Nothing remained for the ranchmen to
do but to market such cattle as they could and remove the remainder
to other ranges. Cattlemen,
as a class, had little use for the settler in those days. The settler
disturbed the freedom of the range and insisted upon planting
wheat where nature had sown only grass. But instead of railing at the
settler, Colonel Miller saw ahead to the time when the settler would
farm the prairie, establish counties, towns, and markets. He began
early to lease lands along
the Salt Fork River from the Ponca Indians, in preparation for
the day when the Cherokee Strip would be thrown open to white
settlers. That day came in 1893. Colonel Miller abandoned his Deer
Creek and Salt Fork Ranches in the Cherokee Strip and the 101
cattle were moved in the fall of 1892 a few miles down the Salt Fork
River to the new range in the Ponca country. On the banks of the Salt
Fork, the 101 Ranch became a fact. The leases obtained from the
Poncas represent the first lands of the present 101 Ranch. They
included vast stretches of rolling prairies, wonderfully rich
bottoms, the Salt Fork running through it all, furnishing an ample
supply of water. It was a ranch, however, and not a farm. Not a blade
of wheat or a stalk of corn grew on the lands. Agriculture to the
cattleman was an unknown science. The lands were used exclusively for
cattle and Colonel Miller was a cattleman.
6 Edward Everett Dale, The Range Cattle Industry, p. 155.
When
he died in 1903, the 101 lands included fifty thousand acres
leased from the Indians.7 Not one acre was owned. The restrictions
required the Indians to secure patents from the Office of Indian
Affairs in Washington before selling their lands and, for that
reason, Colonel Miller was unable to purchase any of these lands
before the time of his death. He succeeded, however, a short time
before his death in obtaining options from the Indians on several
tracts of land that would come up for sale in a short time. But he
never lived to see the actual purchase of any of these tracts. All of
the lands under lease at that time were open range in the days when
the buffalo roamed at will over the broad and rolling prairies, and
were used to graze the cattle moved down from the Salt Fork Ranch in
the Cherokee Strip country and for the new herds coming up the trails
from Texas. Before
any Indian could sell his land, he was required by the regulations in
force at that time to make an application, through the superintendent
of his tribe, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for a patent in
fee to his land. The application had to be made on the Indian’s
own accord and without any outside inducements. The superintendent of
the tribe was required to make a careful examination of the Indian’s
competency in handling his land and recommend to the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs his approval or disapproval of
the application.
If the commissioner deemed, upon examination of the application and
recommendation, that the Indian was reasonably competent to
handle his land, he recommended to the Secretary of the Interior
that a simple fee patent be issued to the Indian for the land. The
Secretary, following the Commissioner’s recommendation, directed
the Commissioner of the Land Office to issue the Indian the patent.
The patent gave and granted to the Indian and his heirs the land to
have and to hold with all rights, privileges, annuities, and
appurtenances of whatsoever nature. Upon receiving the patent,
the Indian was required to have the patent registered in the
county in which the land was located. He was then free to sell the
land at any time for any sum, giving the purchaser a regular warranty
deed.
7Ponca City Courier, April 27, 1903.
Colonel
Miller left $30,000 in life insurance to his wife, which she used to
purchase the first six sections, 3,720 acres from the Ponca Indians
within the fences of the 101 Ranch.8 The land purchased included the
present site of the 101 Ranch headquarters and was the first deeded
land owned by the Millers. It was Colonel Miller’s life dream to
locate his ranch on permanently owned land and this was the first
step toward the accomplishment of his wish. The purchase of this land
by Mrs. Miller marked the permanent establishment of the 101 Ranch on
the Salt Fork. From that time on the Millers continued to purchase
land from the Indians. The Indian allotments were usually in
small tracts ranging from five to two hundred acres each, and for
that reason, the land purchased included many small tracts situated
in Kay, Noble, Osage, and Pawnee Counties. The
wishes of Colonel George W. Miller, at the time of his death, that no
division of the 101 Ranch lands be made and that the ranch be held
forever intact in the Miller family, were faithfully carried out by
his widow at the time of her death. The provisions of her last will
and testament transferred all of the Ranch holdings to the Miller
brothers and designated two of her sons, Zack and George, as
executors of her estate.9 Portions of Mrs. Miller’s properties, outside of the 101 Ranch
proper, were set aside in her will for her grandchildren, friends,
and her daughter, Alma.
8Kansas City Star, April 27, 1903. 9 Final Decree in the Matter of the Estate of Mollie A. Miller, County Court, Kay County, Oklahoma, October 17, 1919.
It
seems that since the Miller family was operating the Ranch as a unit,
very little consideration was given to just which name under which
the title to the land was recorded. Apparently most of the land
purchased by Mrs. Miller with the life insurance money of her husband
was actually taken in patents from the government to two of her
sons, Zack and George. Joe was busy with his farming interests and
had little mind for the office affairs. In 1917 a disagreement arose
between the brothers and Joe’s interest was bought by the other two,
so that at the time of Mrs. Miller’s death, there was none of the
land in his name. He was gone from the ranch for two years and
returned when Mrs. Miller was dying. Her will, made while Joe was
away, naturally named Zack and George as executors. However, on her
deathbed she made a codicil, giving Joe the 160 acres in the bend of
the river on which he had spent much time developing his big apple
orchard and in which he took great pride. While Mrs. Miller was ill,
there was a complete reconciliation among the three brothers and a
definite agreement among them that Joe was to be considered an
equal partner with the other two, one-third interest each,
without any payment on his part whatever. For this reason, Mrs.
Miller saw no necessity for changing her will other than to give Joe
personally his prized apple orchard. After
the reconciliation of the Miller brothers, Mr. England, Alma’s
husband, as attorney for the ranch, saw the necessity of making
some kind of an agreement which would prevent the dissolution of
the partnership in case of the death of one, for up to this time the
ranch had been operated as a family partnership without any form
of written agreement. The question of distributing a one-third
interest in the ranch to all kinds of known and unknown heirs would
be disastrous. Accordingly, Mr. England worked out a trust
agreement, known as the Miller Brothers 101 Ranch Trust.10 The Miller
brothers approved the trust agreement and it became effective
September 12, 1921. W. A. Brooks and J. E. Carson were elected
trustees to administer the trust agreement. This is the only trust
agreement made by the Miller brothers and is the one the 101 Ranch
has operated under since 1921. This type of trust originated
in Massachusetts and is generally known as “a Massachusetts
Common Law Trust.” This type did not need to be organized
according to any law, but was formed merely by the appointment of
trustees, the deeding of land to these trustees, and the
issuance by the trustees of shares to the beneficiaries.
10 A copy of the Miller Brothers 101 Ranch Trust Agreement is included in the Appendix.
The
Miller Brothers 101 Ranch Trust reveals that at the time of its
execution, the Ranch included 15,252.97 acres of deeded lands located
in Noble, Pawnee, Osage, and Kay Counties, Oklahoma.11 The
Millers continued to purchase lands until they had acquired by
1932 a total of 17,492.31 acres. Since no lands have been purchased
since 1932, this represents the greatest total acreage of deeded
lands owned by the 101 Ranch. A
large part of the deeded lands was rich bottom land along the Salt
Fork River and was used for agricultural purposes. The remainder
included high grade pasture land suitable for growing pasture crops
and grasses. The acreage alone was appraised at $810,490 during
the depression years. There
has been only one disastrous flood and that was in June, 1923, when
there was a cloudburst on the head of the Salt Fork River, and at the
same time on two of its tributaries. The flood cost the Millers
several hundred thousand dollars, as the waters always flooded the
choicest agricultural land on the ranch. To prevent further floods,
the brothers constructed a levee, several miles in length, along the
Salt Fork River, where it took a southward turn just west of the
ranch headquarters. This stopped any further floods, since the only
flood waters that could overflow the land were those that backed up
the Salt Fork from the main Arkansas stream. The
brothers experienced considerable legal difficulties regarding
validity of titles to these lands. In 1920 indictments were returned
by the Federal grand jury charging them with fraudulently obtaining
large tracts of land from the Ponca Indians. The charges were
general at first, and for that reason, George Miller demanded that
the government furnish a bill of particulars of the alleged fraud.
Federal Judge J. H. Cotteral, after hearing the arguments, granted
the request and instructed the government to furnish Miller’s counsel
dates and issue of patents
and copies of alleged false reports made by the land superintendent
to the Indian Office.12 Following
Judge Cotteral’s decision, the Federal government, through its
attorneys, presented forty-eight counts against the Miller brothers.
The particular counts alleged that they, first, knowing certain Ponca
Indians owning land near the 101 Ranch were incompetent, conspired to
induce them to make application for patents to the Secretary of the
Interior containing false statements, and, second, obtained deeds
from the Indians, who were heavily indebted to them at the time. The
case was tried before Federal Judge A. G. C. Bierer at Guthrie,
Oklahoma. After hearing the evidence and argument, Judge Bierer
rendered a decision in favor of the Miller brothers.13 The
government appealed the decision of Judge Bierer to the United States
Supreme Court. The Court, after hearing the argument, refused October
17, 1932, to review the cases, thus upholding the Federal court which
found the Miller brothers had not unfairly induced the Indians to
sell their lands.14 Thus
the long and technical litigation left the Miller brothers in
rightful possession of all the 17,492.31 acres of deeded land
purchased from the Indians. The land returned to the Indians, as
a result of the litigation, was not a part of the 101 Ranch proper
but included scattered holdings, ranging in small tracts from twenty
to one hundred and sixty acres. The Federal court found that the
brothers had not in any instance acted fraudulently and that in only
two of the forty-one counts had technical errors occurred in the
purchases. The court, however, found that twenty of the Indians, from
whom purchases had been
made, were incompetent despite government ruling to the contrary at
the time the purchases were made. The court, furthermore,
ordered that these lands be returned to the Indians with
the government paying back in full to the Miller brothers the
purchase price of $30,649.90. Judge Bierer, in his decision,
blamed the “greater liberalism” policies of the Department
of the Interior between 1917 and 1920 for the differences which
brought about the litigation. The government policy, during that
time, had been to allow more Indians patents of competency and
to allow them to attend to their own affairs as much as possible.
11 For schedule of these lands, see copy of Miller Brothers 101 Ranch Trust in the Appendix. 12Ponca City Courier, November 18, 1920. 13Daily Oklahoman, May 27, 1927. 14Kansas City Star, October 18, 1932.
In
addition to the deeded lands, the 101 Ranch included many acres of
farming and grazing lands leased from the Ponca, Pawnee, Otoe,
and Osage Indians in Kay, Noble, Osage and Pawnee Counties, Oklahoma.
These lands were checker-boarded with the deeded lands, which made
them undesirable for other ranchmen and at the same time gave the
Millers control of them at a fair lease price. Any
Indian who was deemed by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to
have the requisite knowledge, experience, and business capacity to
negotiate lease contracts could make contracts with the Miller
brothers for leasing his own land and the land of his minor children
for farming and grazing purposes, and collect the rentals arising
under such leases. The lease contracts had to be made on a
special contract form provided by the Office of Indian Affairs and
were subject only to the approval of the superintendent of the
tribe. Indians not deemed competent to manage their own affairs in
this respect were required to have their leases made in the
office of the superintendent of the tribe. The superintendent
negotiated and approved the leases, collected all rentals, and
deposited the amount to the credit of the Indians. The money was paid
out in accordance with the regulations in force regarding individual
Indian moneys. According
to the regulations of the Office of Indian Affairs in force at that
time, the Miller brothers could not lease from the Indians more than
640 acres of ordinary agricultural lands for farming purposes. This
limit, however, was not strictly enforced and could be waived on
authority previously obtained from the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs. No limitation was made on the amount of land which could be
leased for grazing purposes. The
leased lands were divided into two classifications. One
classification included leased Indian lands with preferential rights,
which gave the Millers the right to bid above everyone else or to
take the lands at others’ bid. These lands were used for both farming
and grazing purposes. The other classification included lands leased
from time to time from individual Indians
or leases traded for from other persons holding them. These lands
were used almost exclusively for grazing purposes. The
leased lands with preferential rights were contiguous to the deeded
lands and, for that reason, the bonus right on these lands was valued
at $4.00 an acre during the depression years.15 The total acreage
of these leases was around ten thousand acres; the acreage varied
little from year to year. The Miller brothers paid the Indians an
annual lease rate of around ninety-eight cents an acre for these
lands and the total amount paid in 1930 for 10,509.28 acres was
$10,200.44.16 It
is extremely difficult to state the exact number of acres of leased
lands belonging in the second classification. The acreage varied
considerably from time to time as a result of the manner in which the
leases were obtained. The leases were secured from individual
Indians and other parties and were recorded in the Indian
agencies in the names of various individuals. The policy of the
Office of Indian Affairs in effect at that time looked with disfavor
upon extensive tracts leased to individuals and corporations
and, for that reason, many of the leases obtained from individual
Indians or other parties were recorded in names of persons other than
the Miller brothers.17 Since the records of the Indian agencies
handling these leases are incomplete at the present time, the exact
number of acres leased in this manner is unknown. Only an estimate of
the acreage from individuals associated with the Miller brothers is
possible. The
policy of the Millers from the very beginning of the 101 Ranch was to
lease extensive tracts of land since they handled annually thousands
of cattle, horses, mules, and hogs, requiring huge acreage of farming
and grazing lands for feed purposes. W. A. Brooks reports that he
assisted at one time in fencing two large tracts of grazing land, one
consisting of ten square miles and the other five square miles.”
These tracts alone totaled seventy thousand acres. Lewis McDonald, a
Ponca Indian, who was employed by the Millers for several years
to handle the Indian leases, estimates that the 101 Ranch controlled
at one time or another as much as ninety thousand acres of
leases, including the preferential leases.18 Colonel Zack T. Miller
states that approximately eighty thousand acres of Indian land was
subject to lease and that the 101 Ranch always held large acreages
for farming and grazing purposes. In the early days practically
all of the Ponca and Otoe reservations were under lease.19 Many printed sources give 110,000 acres as the total acreage of the
101 Ranch.20 The 17,492.31 acres of deeded land subtracted from that
amount leaves approximately 92,500 acres of lease lands. The
differences in these estimates are due, no doubt, to the fact
that they are based on different periods in the history of the 101
Ranch. There seems no question that the 101 Ranch included a large
acreage of Indian leases for farming and grazing purposes and that
the total varied from time to time as a result of the Indians
selling or farming their land as the country opened up to settlement. The
lands of the 101 Ranch, then made up a veritable agricultural
and livestock kingdom. They embraced an approximate total of
110,000 acres that sprawled like patchwork over the Oklahoma plains
in Kay, Noble, Osage, and Pawnee counties. Here is what this
vast expanse included: the farming lands comprised fifteen thousand
acres planted to grain and cotton crops each season, in addition to
garden acreage of cabbage, onions, tomatoes, watermelons, and
potatoes.21 The crop acreage usually included four thousand acres of
wheat, twenty-five hundred acres in oats, five thousand acres in
corn, and twenty-five hundred acres in cotton. The rest of the
fifteen thousand acres of farming land was devoted to alfalfa, cane,
kafir, sweet clover, and other short crops for the silos
principally. The grazing and pasture lands included the
remainder whereon cattle, horses, mules, and hogs roved in herds of
thousands. This was fine grazing and pasture land, carpeted with a
good quality of native grasses and it provided an excellent
range. With the Salt Fork River providing an abundant supply
of water at all times of the year, it was truly a cattleman’s
paradise.
15 101 Ranch Records, December 31, 1930. 16 An exact schedule of the leased lands with preferential rights is included in the Appendix. 17 W. A. Brooks to Ellsworth Collings, April 23, 1936. 18 Lewis McDonald to Ellsworth Collings, March 6, 1936. 19 Colonel Zack T. Miller to Ellsworth Collings, December 10, 1935. 20 Thoburn and Wright, History of Oklahoma, pp. 111, 345; Literary
Digest, August, 1928; Time, February 11, 1929. 21 George L. Miller to the Daily Oklahoman, February 6, 1927.
The
101 Ranch lands contained approximately 172 sections. If this
amount of land were placed in a strip one mile wide, it would be 127
miles long, or nearly fifteen miles square. Necessarily, several sets
of improvements were maintained, so that the employees could be near
the work. The Bar L headquarters was such a place. The
improvements consisted of a large ranch house for the foreman, barns
and corrals, silos, blacksmith shop, and several bunk houses for the
cowboys. At this place the cowboys lived throughout the year caring
for the livestock and repairing fences of the ranges. On
this vast domain there were located three towns: Marland, Red Rock,
and White Eagle, and three hundred miles of fences, costing $50,000
enclosed its tremendous confines.22 For twenty-two miles U. S. Highway 77 crossed these lands and is
paralleled most of the way with the Santa Fe railroad, which has a
station at Marland, located three and one-half miles south of the
“White House.” Large warehouses and shipping pens,
accommodating more than two thousand cattle at one time, were located
at Marland, the shipping center, and the telephone in the central
business office at the headquarters connected with every foreman
on the ranch, over thirty-five miles of private wire, and long
distance service with cities throughout Oklahoma and the nation.
Mail was delivered from Mar-land to and fro by mounted carriers
detailed at all times for this purpose. The 101 Ranch, replete in
every way, was truly an empire within itself—the dream of its
founder.
22 101 Ranch Records, December 31, 1930.
THE YELLOW BACKS
HE
first trip into Texas in 1871 revealed to Colonel George W.
Miller the opportunity to engage in the cattle business on a big
scale. Texas was the grazing grounds for countless thousands of
cattle. For these immense herds there was virtually no market and
stock cattle on the range only brought from one to two dollars a head
and three to four dollars was the top price for selected mature
animals.1 At that very same time round steak was selling in New York at
twenty-five cents a pound and cattle on foot in eastern cities at
five dollars to ten dollars per hundredweight.2 Such difference in
prices is easily understood when it is remembered that no railroads
then extended from the markets to the widespread ranges of Texas. Peculiarly
favorable conditions of the Indian Territory country made it
excellent feeding grounds for fattening cattle for the northern
markets. The land was within a few miles of railroad yards, and could
be leased from the Indians and the government for a very small sum.
The native grasses that covered the range for hundreds of miles
flourished in abundance and were as nourishing in the winter as in
the summer; also there was an ample supply of water. The winters were
mild and the summers long and not a fence stood in all the vast
country to prevent the herds from grazing at will until the
round-up—it was cattle country. Colonel
Miller was familiar with the southern cattle market and quickly
grasped the possibilities of developing a cattle business by
driving the Texas cattle up the trail to the ranges of Indian
Territory, fattening the herds on the native grasses for the northern
markets. From the time he drove the first herd of “yellow
backs”3 up the trail from Texas in 1871 to the business
panic in 1893, Colonel Miller engaged in the cattle business on
a vast scale. For twenty-two years his ranch was a cattle ranch
and his business exclusively was cattle.
1 Edward Everett Dale, The Range Cattle Industry, p. 30. 2 Edward Everett Dale, “The Passing of the Cattle Industry in Oklahoma,” The Cattleman, November, 1924, pp. 9-17. 3 Because of the yellowish color of Texas longhorns, they were
familiarly known as “yellow backs” among the cattlemen.
Colonel
Miller’s trail herds ranged in number from 1,000 to 1,500 and were
driven up a day’s journey apart in order to insure adequate water and
grass and to avoid stampedes. The total number of trail cattle
handled each year was numbered in the thousands.4 During one year the
total reached 25,000, many of which were loaded at Hunnewell, Kansas,
for the market.5 The task of getting these herds from Texas to his ranch in the Indian
Territory was one which involved both skill and daring. Only men of
unflinching courage and quick movement could succeed in handling the
wild cattle. The Texas steer was no respecter of unmounted cowboys,
but for the man on horseback he had a wholesome fear. Separately,
neither man nor horse had any more chance in the herd, fresh from the
open range, than among so many wolves. With their long, sharp-pointed
horns these steers rent man or horse with ease and the fights among
themselves had all the ferociousness of wild beasts of the jungles. It
usually required about three months for Colonel Miller to drive a
herd from Texas to his ranch in the Indian Territory. There were
swollen streams to swim, wild runs of cattle to check, bandits or
Indians to face, and hardships to endure such as drives all day in
the rain and mud, snatches of sleep on the wet ground, tired or
sore-footed horses to care for, and bad foods or none at all if brush
and wood were soaked with rain. Spring was the usual starting time
and May, June, July, August, and September found Colonel Miller on
the trail. Once the road-branding was over at the ranches in Texas
the cattle were herded into a ragged column and headed northward.6
The orderly manner in which the herd took its way across the plains
was remarkable. A herd of a thousand cattle would string out to a
length of two miles, and a larger one still longer. At the start
there was hard driving, twenty to thirty miles a day, until
the cattle were thoroughly wearied. After that twelve to fifteen
miles was considered a good day’s drive. The daily program was
as regular as that of a regiment on the march.
4 Hugo Milde to Ellsworth Collings, March 4, 1936. 5Kansas City Star, April 27, 1903. 6 The herd always included cattle of several brands from different ranches and, for that reason, a common brand—a road brand—was needed to prevent confusion.
During
the early part of the morning, the herd was “drifted” with
little pushing, grazing as it went. By mid-morning, the cowboys urged
the cattle closer together and two riders at each side “pointed”
the lead steers at a rapid pace while the “swing riders”
behind them pushed in the flanks of the herd. Just behind the
cattle rode the “tail riders” to keep in the herd the lame
and stupid cattle. With the approach of noon, the attention of
the cattle turned again to the grass about them, and the “swing
riders” had to keep in constant gallop to hold the steers from
turning out to graze on the margin of the trail.7 The
cook went ahead to locate the noon camp at some spot about half a
mile from the trail so the cattle would have fresh grass for the
hour’s grazing. By the time the herd reached the camp, the flap-board
on the chuck wagon had been let down and a cold lunch was ready for
the cowboys. The cattle by this time were uneasy and were turned
again into the trail and walked steadily forward until early
twilight, when they were halted for another graze. As darkness came
on, they were gathered closer and closer into a compact mass by the
cowboys riding steadily in constantly lessening circles around them,
until at last they lay down, chewing their cuds and resting from
the day’s trip. Near midnight they usually got up, stood awhile, and
then lay down again, having changed sides. Care was always
necessary at this time of night to keep them from wandering off
into the darkness. The cowboys sitting on their ponies or riding
slowly around and around the reclining cattle, passed the night on
sentinel duty, relieving one another at stated intervals. As each
rode his arc of the circle about the resting herd, the slow,
deep-sounded notes of old songs quieted the cattle and helped the
herder to stay awake. A cowboy did not dare let drowsiness overtake
him for the cattle did not always lie quietly. Startled by some
trifle, the sound of a cracking stick, a flash of lightning, the
restlessness of some steer, every head was lifted, and the mass of
hair and horns, with fierce, frightened eyes, was off.
7 Oscar Brewster, old time cowboy on the 101 Ranch, to Ellsworth Collings, July 24, 1936.
Charles
W. Hannah describes such an instance on the ranges of the 101 Ranch
during the early nineties. “The 101 cattle,” says Mr.
Hannah, “were peacefully grazing over a wide area when a wagon
and horses driven by a man came along through our herd. Under the
wagon trotted a small black dog. Some of the unruly longhorn steers,
observing the moving wagon, had their curiosity aroused and
played alongside of the wagon, now and then getting rather close to
the horses. The man, fearing the steers would hook his horses, set
his small black dog on them. The steers, naturally wild, became
frightened at the dog and ran at top speed out across the
prairie, stumbling over a ’sleeper.’ The calf jumped up, bawled
loudly and started to run. Everything in sight became frightened and,
believe me, the stampede was on in a few minutes.”8 With
the first sounds of the stampede the cowboys awoke, mounted their
horses they had staked nearby, and rode out to help the night herders
in the attempt to break the flight. Getting on one side of the
leaders the effort of the riders was to turn them, a little at first,
then more and more, until the circumference of a great circle
was described. The cattle behind blindly followed, and soon the front
and rear joined and “milling” commenced. Round and
round the bewildered cattle would race until they were wearied or
recovered from their fright. To stop the useless churning and to
guard against another wild rush, the cowboys would sing in unison
some familiar ballad. It did not matter what they sang so long as
there was music to it, and it was not unusual to hear a cowboy begin
with “Whoop!” and continue with variations that might have
been adopted from a Comanche war yell. A
stampede meant a loss, and Colonel Miller always made a hasty
inventory.9 A sudden swerve of the stampeding cattle might crush to death a
cowboy and his horse. A stumbling steer would be tramped on by those
behind him and some might be gored by the long horns of those they
brushed against. If the riders failed to check the herd and hold it
in a mass it might become widely scattered, requiring a delay of days
while the remnants
were gathered. Another danger was the marauding Indians, who were
always feared, and many skirmishes occurred between them and
Colonel Miller. An understanding with the chiefs, however, was
usually sufficient to insure safety.
8 Charles W. Hannah, old time cowboy on the 101 Ranch, to Ellsworth Collings, July 20, 1936. 9 John Hiatt, old time cowboy on the 101 Ranch, to Ellsworth Collings, September 7, 1936.
Stampedes
and Indians were not all the troubles encountered on the trail.
Crossing the herd over a swollen stream was a danger escaped only
during late summer. The “lead-cattle” instantly feared
muddy and swift currents of water and the “point-riders”
had hard work to urge them on. Sometimes these cowboys would force
their own horses out into the swollen stream to convince the
cattle that there was no danger. Once the “lead-cattle”
were out to their swimming depth, they usually went on to the
opposite bank with the remainder of the herd following. If the
leaders became alarmed at the swiftness of the current, they might
“mill” in a mad circle, soon becoming a struggling
mass as other cattle followed. Then came dangerous work for the
cowboys. The cattle in the rear had to be checked immediately, and a
“point-rider” had to force his horse into the midst of the
panic-stricken cattle, break the mill, and compel some of the cattle
to lead off in swimming for the shore. It often required several days
to cross a herd over a flooded stream, and as sometimes it rained
during all of the time the cowboys didn’t get much sleep since they
had to stay with the cattle day and night. Thus
accompanied by incidents along the trail that brought into play all
the strength and strategy of Colonel Miller and his cowboys, the herd
moved on to the ranges of his ranch in the Indian Territory. Reaching
the outskirts of the ranch, the cattle were turned loose on the range
and allowed to grow and fatten for the markets. Cow camps were built
at convenient places, from which the cowboys constantly kept on the
outlook for prairie fires, watched closely for cattle thieves,
visited the water holes, and guarded in every way the interests of
their employer. Later when fences enclosed Colonel Miller’s range,
these cowboys rode the fences in order to keep them in good repair.
Several times during the year these camps were visited by a wagon
from headquarters bringing bacon, flour, sugar, coffee, beans, and
dried fruits.10 The life of these cowboys on the range
was lonely, but the work not especially hard when compared with the
work on the trails.
10 Charles Orr, old time cowboy on the 101 Ranch, to Ellsworth Collings, September 6, 1936.
Cattle
were always real companions to the cowboys who were doing herd duty
through long hours on the range. On a cool, fresh morning the cattle
seemed as reluctant to leave their own warm beds on the ground as the
cowboys had been to leave their blankets in early morning hours to go
on herd duty. The night herders would come in to eat the morning meal
and would report “all quiet” to the cowboy at the camp.
This was the cue for him to ride forth in early morning light to hunt
up the cattle bedded down on the range. When in sight of the herd, he
would start singing, continuing until he was riding through the herd
as it lay on the ground. While on herd duty, he would usually sit on
his pony with one leg over the saddle horn. His body was hunched
forward with arms often crossed on his bent knee, leisurely rolling a
cigarette. His pony grazed at will while the cattle scattered over a
wide area feeding peacefully on the native grasses. Nothing
was more essential to Colonel Miller’s cattle business than the
cowboys. Approximately fifty were permanently employed on the 101
Ranch at all times. They were true knights of the plains, inured to
the hardships of the range. They wore wide-brimmed hats,
handkerchiefs around their necks, chaps on their legs, and
high-heeled boots. The broad-brimmed hat protected the face from the
biting particles of ice in a driving blizzard or from the glare and
heat of the sun. The loose handkerchief served as an efficient dust
screen when riding behind the herd. Chaps protected the legs
from injury from cold and rain. High heels on the boots kept the feet
from slipping through the stirrups and provided a brace on the
ground when an unruly horse was pulling on the other end of the rope.
They could do on horseback anything an ordinary man can do afoot.
They could make their cow pony dance, pick up the smallest article
from the ground at full speed, and with unerring aim lasso a
steer fleeing for dear life.11 No
adjunct was more necessary in all phases of the cowboy’S work than
the cow pony. About one hundred were used on
the 101 Ranch. These ponies knew the needs and methods of handling
cattle as thoroughly as the riders who sat astride their
backs. Without them, the cattle business on the Ranch could not have
been carried on successfully, for steers could not have been
captured, “cut-out,” tied, branded, penned, or shipped.12
11 John Hiatt to Ellsworth Collings, September 7, 1936. 12 Charles Orr to Ellsworth Collings, September 6, 1936.
So
familiar were these ponies with the method of pursuit and capture of
a running steer, that the guiding hand of the rider was not required.
They followed the steer in every turn and brought the cowboy speedily
to the most advantageous position for casting his lasso. And
when the rope encircled the horns or neck, the ponies understood how
best to withstand the physical shock as it grew taut. If the animal
was to be tied, they knew the rope must not slaken, for the steer,
thrown headlong on the abruptness of its halt, was held prostrate
only by the rigid line. In
moving among a herd of cattle these ponies were taught to proceed
with furtive movement, for unwonted activity on their part would
cause a stampede. If the rider had singled out an individual steer
that he wished to “cut-out,” the cow pony comprehended
instantly the purpose, quietly forced the animal to the outer limits
of the herd and then, the danger of commotion over, no longer
withheld speed. The
cow ponies would ford or swim a river without hesitation, and
seemed to know and avoid quicksand by intuition. They could traverse
tracts riddled with prairie dog and gopher holes without once being
entrapped. No night was dark enough to hide from their eyes the
presence of a wire fence. The rider might never have suspected that
strands had been stretched in his path, but the cow ponies always
stopped in safety, no matter how fast the gallop. Little wonder,
then, that the Millers maintained at all times a permanent staff of
cowboys and many cow ponies. When
the skies were clear and the air bracing, the task of herding the
cattle on Colonel Miller’s range was a pleasant one for the cowboys.
But there came stormy days on the great prairies when the cattle were
restless and when it was anything but enjoyable to ride through the
steady downpour of rain. These storms of the old prairies were unlike
any in the settled communities existing today. The lightning with
nothing to strike would hit the ground without entering, and gathered into
great balls of fire that raced over the prairie for miles and miles
bursting with terrific explosion. The flashes of lightning ripping
their way from the clouds kept the cowboys and cattle helpless in one
spot to be buffeted about by the tornado of wind. The sound of air as
it closed in on the vacuum created by the electrical current
surpassed all others and was approximated only by the shriek of
the wind. The electrical display continued, in most instances, for
over an hour and took a long time to die away. The start of the storm
came with the suddenness of the rush of the wind, but gradually
subsided from its peak of pandemonium and confusion to a peace and
quiet enhanced by the purest of air on the range. Charles W. Hannah
describes realistically one of these storms on the ranges of the 101
Ranch during the late fall of 1895.
“Thirty-six
of us cowboys,” says Mr. Hannah, “were holding eight
thousand cattle on the open ranges of the 101 Ranch in the vicinity
of Red Rock during the late fall of 1895. A big blizzard hit us
during the early morning hours one day, and the cattle soon began to
run around in a wide circle. We worked all day without rest and food
doing our best to keep the herd scattered, for we all knew if the
leaders ever got bunched the jig would be up. The cattle were of the
mixed longhorn type and, believe me, they sure were plenty wild and
unruly, especially during stormy weather. At that time we had no
barbed-wire fences and they roamed as they pleased over almost
the whole Ponca and Otoe reservations. “At
the height of the storm along late in the afternoon, the mass of
milling animals moved about in circles not knowing which way to go.
The blinding snow and the biting north wind added to the bellowing of
the frightened steers soon brought bedlam and confusion. The crooning
songs of the cowboys ceased when they could no longer be heard, but
we were still there on the job just the same.
“About
seven in the evening the herd broke in the center, and with tails out
and extending themselves at fullest speed they ran in a great mad
mass. The stampede of unreasoning terror was on, and they ran with
the storm for more than twenty-five miles. Recklessly, blindly, in
whatever direction fancy led them, over a bluff or into a morass, it
mattered not, and fast were the horses that could keep ahead of the
leaders. As
the fury of the storm abated, along about midnight, the roar of the
herd was the dominant sound. For some time they ran until they tired
and slowed down in the early morning hours. Then we rode close to the
leaders and by standing in front of them, turned the direct line of
travel into a curve. Soon the unruly herd was running in a big
circle, then a close mass of milling animals, and the stampede was
over about eight that morning. “The
sun soon broke through the clouds in the east and the air was clear
and warm as the cold wind slowed down at our backs. All was peace
again and the cattle soon fell to feeding about them. As was always
the practice of Colonel Miller, we made a hasty inventory. The
cowboys all came through alive, but believe me, I was frozen to the
bone that morning. We had been in the saddle all night doing our best
to turn the leaders of eight thousand frightened cattle. Several
times during the night I rubbed my eyes with fresh chewed tobacco to
keep from failing asleep. A count of the cattle revealed eight
hundred dead as a result of the stampede.”13 To
care for, tally, and market the cattle, Colonel Miller held two
round-ups each season. As was a long established custom, he was
usually assisted by a combination of ranchers in the locality.
The spring or calf round-up was conducted in the spring or early
summer, after the season’s calves were born, and on this occasion all
the unbranded calves were branded with the mark of each outfit taking
part. In the fall another was held, known as the beef round-up, at
which time the fat beef steers were herded for sale and shipment.14 The
calf round-up began when the grass came in the spring. A round-up
boss, some experienced and respected cowman, was chosen at a meeting
of the ranchmen prior to the round-up. Each of these cattlemen
furnished cowboys and assumed a share of the expenses in proportion
to the number of cattle he owned. A few days before the date set, the
outfits would begin to assemble at some agreed place, and each one
consisted of some seven or nine extra ponies for each cowboy and a
chuck wagon loaded with bedding and food.
13 Charles W. Hannah to Ellsworth Collings, July 20, 1936. 14 Charles Orr to Ellsworth Collings, September 6, 1936.
As early as four in the morning the day of work would begin with
the cook’s call for breakfast. The cook’s fire blazed near the chuck
wagon, and a very few minutes after the call the cowboys would be
gathered about, each of them with a tin plate, on which the cook
slapped meat and hot biscuits and a tin cup that he filled with
steaming coffee. Oscar
Brewster, famous chef in Colonel Miller’s camps, claims to have
broken the open prairie record, in 1890 when he cooked three meals
daily for from forty-five to eighty-five men for a period of
twenty-one days, when Colonel Miller was having his annual round-up.
During that time three wagons, with sideboards on, loaded with
groceries and provisions, were hauled out of Hunnewell, Kansas (then
an outfitting point) to Miller’s camps. “There
were three divisions of the general round-up in 1890,” says
Brewster in telling of this occasion. “They were known as the
eastern, southwestern, and western. The eastern division included the
ranges of the 101 Ranch from the Rock Island Railroad to the Arkansas
River, and the captain of this division was Colonel Joe Miller,
at that time a young man. There were two or three chuck wagons for
each division and Colonel Joe had trouble in getting cooks for his
division. I assured him I could take care of his division, although I
realized it would be some job cooking for eighty-five hard-working
cowboys. “We
outfitted the first day of June at Hunnewell, and our chuck wagons,
loaded with groceries, provisions, and bedding, were drawn by four
horses across the open ranges. We drove to Bluff Creek the first
night and I had forty-five men at supper. The next morning the
number increased to fifty-five, and from that time on the men eating
at my wagon increased daily for twenty-one days until the last day of
the round-up I counted eighty-five men at my chuck wagon,
stationed where Ponca City is now located. “In
following up the round-up, it was necessary to move camp each day. We
kept a team of horses near-by all the time for that purpose. After
breakfast each day we would break up and pull the wagon to the next
location, and then I would get the noon day meal, many times without
taking time to unhitch the horses from the wagon. Five full
loads, with double sideboards of groceries and provisions, were
brought to my chuck wagon, and every day for twenty-one days I cooked
a calf or yearling in addition. Breakfast was cooked in Dutch ovens, buried
in long trenches, and the meals were never late, always on time. We
had hot biscuits three times a day. Imagine cooking hot biscuits
three times a day for twenty-one days for eighty-five men! Our
division rounded up twenty-eight thousand cattle that year, and
Colonel Joe Miller was the best round-up boss I ever worked for
during all my time on the ranges.”15 Eating
breakfast hurriedly, each cowboy roped and saddled his horse from the
remuda, which had been driven up to camp as a signal that there was
no time to waste in eating. As the cowboys rode away over the prairie
for the lurking-places of the cattle, they spread out, breaking up
into small groups of “circle riders.” “Oftentimes
the cowboys,” says Charles W. Hannah, “would ride at full
speed along both sides of high elevations waving their yellow
slickers frantically at the cattle grazing below them. This would
frighten the cattle and, being naturally wild, they would run
together and make it easier for the cowboys to round them up for
branding. This practice was strictly forbidden by the round-up boss
since it made the cattle wilder and often started stampedes. One
season the boss would not permit us to use yellow slickers for fear,
as we had often done, we would use them in rounding-up the cattle. He
supplied us with black ones.”16 Creeks,
shady canyons, and arroyos were searched carefully and after many a
chase with unruly calves or sullen steers, a round-up of several
hundred cattle was formed near the camp. Around this dusty, milling
herd, the cowboys rode to drive back the cattle that turned to dash
out from the edges. Usually
four cowboys held the constantly moving cattle, while four others
rode through them “culling out” the cows and calves of the
101 outfit. Those cowboys culling turned these cattle over to four
other cowboys, who drove them away several hundred yards to
another herd, constantly growing and known as “the cut,”
which was held intact by two or three more cowboys. Not far from them
the branding fire for the 101 irons was being prepared.
15 Oscar Brewster to Ellsworth Collings, July 21, 1936. 16 Charles W. Hannah to Ellsworth Collings, July 20, 1936.
A
cowboy would quietly turn his pony into the herd, mark a cow, work
her with her calf out of the herd. Immediately the roper cast his
lariat, catching the calf preferably by a hind leg, and dragging it
with his horse, brought it up to the branding fire. As it came near,
a cowboy would grab it, reach over its back with both arms, seize it
under the throat or hind leg, give it a lift so as to swing its legs
off the ground and forward and then drop upon it. The cowboy was
careful to stick his right knee into its neck, and with an arm,
double up and raise its upper front leg as far as possible. The calf
in this position was helpless, except for its hind legs. These were
cared for by another cowboy, who grabbed the upper leg as he sat
down behind the calf and pulled it toward him as he pushed
against the lower one with both feet. Then a third cowboy rushed up
with the red-hot branding iron, burning the 101 mark on the calf’s
left side while it bawled and struggled. After all the calves of the
round-up had been branded the cattle were freed and allowed to roam
at will on the range. Any calves that belonged to neighboring ranches
were branded by the cowboys with the irons of these ranches and
turned back on the range. In
the fall Colonel Miller’s round-up wagon, remuda, and cowboys would
leave the ranch headquarters on the beef roundup. The range was
“worked” much as it was on the spring branding round-up,
except that all of the beef cattle were held in a herd, day and
night, and when a sufficient number had been collected they were
driven across the country to the railroad. The handling of a trail
herd of beef cattle required all of Colonel Miller’s years of
experience on the range, for a false move would cost his entire
year’s profits. Fat steers were usually wild and would take flight at
the slightest provocation. It was thus that the cowboys would have to
bring every resource into action to calm them down and keep them from
scattering over the range. The trail to the railroad was always made
in a series of short drives, giving the fat cattle plenty of time to
graze and water, so that they would be in the best condition when
they arrived at the railroad. Upon arriving at the shipping center,
they were driven into the stockyards, dragged or coaxed into the
cars, and were sent off to meet their fate at the great packing
houses. The journey up the trail had been a strange one to them
and the end of the trip with close confinement in yard and car, the
first they had ever known, was strangest of all. In
1888 the Santa Fe built a railroad from Texas through the Cherokee
Strip country and that marked the end of driving cattle over the
trail from Texas to Oklahoma. For seventeen years, 1871-1888, Colonel
Miller stocked his ranch in the Indian Territory with cattle
driven up the trail from Texas. After that date the cattle were
shipped over the Santa Fe Railroad. The years following saw thousands
of these cattle shipped into Colonel Miller’s ranch during the spring
months, fattened on the rich grass, and shipped to the central
markets in late summer and early fall.17 Under
favorable conditions the profits were enormous. During the early
seventies, two-year-old steers cost in Texas from $3.00 to $4.00 a
head and after grazing a year on the range in the Indian Territory
they sold for $40.00 or $50.00 a head on the market.18 The loss,
during favorable winters, was practically nothing and the
expense for help amounted to only a few hundred dollars at that time.
As the cattle markets extended westward, the profits were not so
great, but still good. Two-year-old steers during the eighties sold
in Texas for $13.00 a head and fattening on the range the market
price remained about the same.19 During the nineties, these steers sold in Texas for $21.00 a head and
after feeding on the range for a season they brought $37.50 a head, a
gross profit of $16.50 a steer.20 Conditions
for profits were not always favorable. From nine to eleven cents a
bushel was paid in the early winter of 1886 for corn with which to
feed a herd of cattle which Joe Miller bought on the land where the
city of Tulsa now stands. The cattle were coming three-year-olds and
cost $11.00 a head for the 1100 in the herd. They were rounded-up on
the present site of Tulsa, counted, and driven by Miller to his
father’s ranch. The corn fed to the steers that winter was bought
from early day Kansas settlers and they hauled it from twelve to
fifteen miles to reach the herd on the Miller ranch. Each farmer
was required to hit each ear of corn over the sideboard of his wagon,
thus breaking it in two pieces, thereby making the size of the pieces
about right for a steer to take in his mouth. At that, the steers
failed to bring a profit on the investment.21
17 Hugo Milde to Ellsworth Collings, March 5, 1936. 18 George Rainey, The Cherokee Strip, p. 127. 19 Ernest Staples Osgood, The Day of the Cattleman, p. 52. 20 Edward Everett Dale, The Cattleman, November, 1924, p. 9. 21 101 Magazine, May, 1927.
Nearly
all cattlemen found it necessary to borrow considerable money to
carry on their business.22 An incident occurred in this connection
during the early nineties that reveals Colonel Miller’s sagacity in
coping with financial situations.23 He found it necessary to
borrow a sum of money from his banker. The customary practice
prevailing was for the ranchman to put up cattle as collateral for
loans with little or no investigation on the part of the banker as to
number and kind. The reputation of the cattleman for honesty was the
main consideration. Because of the risky conditions in the
cattle business at that time, the president of the bank deemed it
necessary to use caution in making loans, although he did not
question the honesty of Colonel Miller. Accordingly, he agreed to
advance the loan, provided Miller would give as collateral a
sufficient number of his choice steers and stamp them with a new
brand in order to designate them from the others in the herd.
Although the conditions imposed were unusual, Colonel Miller
accepted them without quibbling and accompanied the banker to his
herd, selecting the steers that were to be branded as
collateral. The banker, satisfied, returned, and Colonel Miller
proceeded immediately to choose a new brand for the steers.
Somewhat annoyed at the unusual terms of the loan, he
ingeniously designed a brand that attracted attention rather
humorously to these terms. He selected the brand “10D,”
which substituted the letter “D,” initial of the banker’s
first name, for the figure “1” in Colonel Miller’s “101”
brand. The brand was read as “I-Owe-D” and the steers
wearing it were always pointed out as the “I-Owe-D” cattle. The
business panic of 1893 was especially disastrous to Colonel Miller’s
cattle business.24 A great commission house in Kansas City failed, the house that acted
as agent for Colonel Miller in all his cattle transactions. He had a
$300,000 credit on
the books of that house, money due him for cattle sold. At one stroke
this credit was wiped out entirely. In addition, notes aggregating
$100,000 held by eastern banks, which the agents of this house should
have paid from his credit account, had not been paid. Colonel Miller
had seventeen thousand beef cattle on his ranch at that time. He was
not only without money, but deeply in debt in a panic year. “The
eastern bankers sent in men who took all of our cattle,” related
Colonel Zack T. Miller.25 “They took everything but the cripples and the runts. When they
got through, all we had left was eighty-eight old horses and a
handful of cows. We were as flat as the prairie.” Without
credit, his vast ranch stripped of its cattle, Colonel Miller’s
cattle business was practically destroyed. He had a vast cattle range
with no cattle to fatten upon its grasses and it was a panic year. The
business crisis of 1893 marked a change in Colonel Miller’s ranch,
which up to that time had been a cattle range and not a farm. His
business during the past twenty-two years had been exclusively
cattle. The crisis demanded courage and enterprise and marked the
entrance of his sons into the management of the ranch. That
winter, in order to get money enough to carry them through, they sold
the remaining cows to the Indians and decided to plant wheat. They
had the old horses and the homesteaders had proved the fertility of
the prairie land. They borrowed money enough to plant five thousand
acres of wheat and to buy five hundred yearling calves. They grazed
the calves on the growing wheat and the yield was seventy
thousand bushels. With wheat selling on the market at a good price,
they went on farming, putting in corn, alfalfa, and other crops, as
well as wheat. They bought more calves to fatten, and added
horses, mules, hogs, geese, ducks, and bison to their flocks. The
days of the cattleman were over and the year 1894 marked the change
in the 101 Ranch from a cattle range to a diversified farm.
22 Edward Everett Dale, “The Passing of the Cattle Industry in Oklahoma,” The Cattleman, November, 1924. 23 W. A. Brooks to Ellsworth Collings, March 6, 1936. 24Time, February 11, 1929, p. 63.
25 Colonel Zack T. Miller to Charles Lane Callen, American Magazine, July, 1928.