Allegheny County PA Archives History -
1758 - Founding of Pittsburgh
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1758
BEING A SKETCH OF THE
Founding of Pittsburgh
(Reprinted from the Sesqui-Centennial
Number
of The Gazette Times, of Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania, of Sunday,
September 27th,
1908.)
BY CHARLES W. DAHLINGER
PITTSBURGH
1908
PRESS OF W. M. DICK CO.
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1758
BEING A SKETCH
OF THE FOUNDING
OF PITTSBURGH
The rule of the exclusively Whig party in
England was over at last.
Ever since the House of Hanover had come to the throne, this party of
the
aristocracy had governed. Under King George II, it had sunk from
mediocrity
to incompetency. The Duke of Newcastle, its prime minister, had been
such for
thirty years, in all of which period he is said to have "learned
nothing and
achieved nothing."
For years England and France had been at war.
Sometimes the issues were
obscured, but, to the observant eye, it had been apparent for some
years that
the contests were really for supremacy in America and India, in both of
which
countries England and France were attempting to build up empires.
Since 1748, when the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle
between England, France
and Holland, was signed, British prestige had been on the wane. By the
terms
of this treaty, conquests all over the world were mutually restored. The
treaty settled nothing. To Englishmen and provincials alike, it was a
galling
piece of stupidity. The causes for dissatisfaction continuing, in 1755
war
again broke out between England and France. The same political party
remained
in power in England and the same policy of imbecility was being
pursued. In
America, Braddock's army was annihilated by a handful of Canadian
militia and
a few hundred Indians. In the Mediterranean, the French outwitted the
English
Admiral Bing, and captured the Island of Minorca. In Hanover, the Duke
of
Cumberland, the son of the King of England, surrendered an army of
thirty
thousand men to the French. In distant India, Calcutta had fallen and
the
tragedy of the Black Hole had sent a thrill of resentment through the
country; the French and the natives had almost extinguished English
power.
Over a
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hundred millions of treasure had been expended, yet everywhere the
administration had met with defeat, except, as stated by Bancroft, "in
the
venal House of Commons." The English nation had been humbled into the
dust.
Smarting under the years of disgrace, in
December, 1756, with one voice
the people called William Pitt to the helm to take the place of the
Duke of
Newcastle. Pitt was of good ancestry ; his grandfather was Governor of
Madras, and afterwards sat in the House of Commons ; his wife was
directly
descended from the Earl of Murray, a natural son of James V of Scotland.
Pitt's mother was the sister of an Irish peer, the Earl of Grandison.
Pitt
had been in the House of Commons since 1735, when he entered it as a
young
man of twenty-seven. He soon became the most powerful speaker in the
House,
in the days when there was no strict party organization, when votes were
gained by a great speech, when men spoke to their hearers and not to the
wider public outside. He feared neither king or nobles. His speeches
against
the Hanoverian policy of the king so offended the monarch, that after
ten
years of service in. the House, when Henry Pelham became First Lord of
the
Treasury, and urged that Pitt be made Secretary of War, the king curtly
refused to make the appointment. Without special social influence,
aristocrat
and commoner alike began recognizing his value to England. When Sarah,
Duchess of Marlborough, died, she bequeathed to him the sum of ten
thousand
pounds because of his efforts "to prevent the ruin of his country."
When he became Paymaster-General, Pitt's first act was to discard the
customary but illegal expedient of all his predecessors in the office,
whereby they charged a commission of one-half per cent on all moneys
passing
through their hands. The whole country applauded this act of honesty.
He was
generally in opposition, yet his power in the House of Commons was on
the
increase. The burden of his speeches was patriotism he wanted England's
glory
restored to her. When all hope seemed to be lost, the nation turned to
him
for help. The king, who despised Pitt, very reluctantly listened to the
voice
of the people, and called him to form a cabinet.
But the old aristocracy died hard, and before Pitt was hardly in the
saddle,
in April, 1757, the king's old resentment against him was revived, and
he
dismissed him from office, the ostensible reason for the dismissal being
Pitt's refusal to consent to the use of English money for the support
of the
Duke of Cumberland's army in Germany. As
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one man, the nation rose in protest. No person could be found to form a
new
cabinet, and in June, Pitt was again called by the king to form a
cabinet.
The new cabinet comprised all the political powers. While Pitt's remark
to
the Duke of Devonshire, "I believe I can save the country and that no
one
else can," may cause a smile, yet it was perfectly true. At once the
star of
England began to rise again. The Duke of Cumberland, after his disaster
in
Hanover, was so angered at his reception by his father that he resigned
as
captain-general and Pitt was free to handle the army as he pleased.
From the time of his first appointment, in December, Pitt had been
planning
for a vigorous prosecution of the war. He had Parliament make provision
for
financing the campaigns which he intended to conduct in 1758, which it
did
with a lavish hand. For America, he planned three campaigns one against
Ticonderoga, another against Louisburg and a third against Fort
Duquesne ;
and as commander of the last expedition, he appointed Brigadier-General
John
Forbes.
This last, while not the most difficult of the three campaigns, was yet
directed against a post whose possession was of more material as well as
strategic importance than the possession of all the other places
combined,
against which armies were to be sent. North America, as far south as the
Spanish possessions, was at this time divided between the English and
the
French. The English settlements extended along the Atlantic coast from
the
Bay of Fundy to the Gulf of Mexico and were almost entirely east of the
Alleghany Mountains. The country in the occupancy of the French
consisted of
widely-separated colonies scattered from Cape Breton to the Great
Lakes, and
all the way to New Orleans. The British numbered, perhaps, a million two
hundred thousand souls, exclusive of the Indians and negroes, and the
French
less than a hundred thousand, so that when the clash came the inevitable
result could be easily foreseen.
The French claimed all the country south of the Allegheny and Ohio
Rivers,
by right of discovery their greatest explorer, Robert Cavelier, better
known
as LaSalle, after the family estate, having found these rivers some time
between the years 1669 and 1671. In addition to the right by discovery,
the
French also asserted that they had obtained the title of the Shawanese,
their
allies who occupied the land at the time of LaSalle's visit. The English
title was still more vague; the best that could be said in its favor
was that
in 1744, at Lancaster, the lands had been ceded to England by the Six
Nations.
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The unavoidable collision finally came. The Pennsylvania and Virginia
traders who had established posts in this country saw the valuable fur
trade
slipping away from them. The suave French priests and traders had far
better
success in winning the allegiance of the Indians than the brusk English
and
Scotch and Irish who attempted to open friendly relations with them. The
lands about the Allegheny and Ohio rivers, for purposes of settlement,
were
the best in the world, and land speculators had been casting longing
eyes
over their picturesque areas for years. When England made huge grants
of the
lands, notably to the Ohio Company, and an effort was made for their
occupancy, the French, in the spring of 1753, took armed possession and
established a line of wooden forts. They built Presquile, where the
city of
Erie now stands ; Fort LeBoef was on French Creek on the present site of
Waterford, and a third was at the junction of French Creek with the
Allegheny
River, which they called Fort Venango, after the old Indian village
alongside
of which it was built. At this place the city of Franklin has since
sprung
up. They gave no heed to the message brought by young George
Washington, who
came by direction of the Governor of Virginia, to warn them to leave the
country. Instead, in the following April, they sent Captain de
Contrecceur,
at the head of a force of five hundred Canadians, to the confluence of
the
Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers, and drove out Ensign Ward who was
already
at work on a fort. Here they built a fort of their own which they
called Fort
Duquesne as a mark of respect for their governor-general, the Marquis
Duquesne de Menneville.
Both Pennsylvania and Virginia claimed this land as being within their
borders ; but Pennsylvania took no active steps for its recovery. In
Virginia, the home of the Ohio Company, however, the feeling at what was
termed "French aggression" was intense. But the armed force which was
raised
there and sent against the French, and of which George Washington was
the
colonel in command, was compelled to surrender at Fort Necessity ; and
in the
whole Mississippi valley, no flag floated save the fleur de lis of
France.
Soon potent influences were at work in England, and in January, 1755,
General
Edward Braddock was sent over to win back that which had been lost.
Robert
Walpole has called Braddock "desperate in fortune, brutal in his
behavior,
obstinate in his sentiments, yet intrepid and capable." It was the
defects in
his character which were largely responsible for the overwhelming
disaster
that befel him at
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the fatal ford of the Monongahela on July 9th, 1755, at the hands of
Captain
de Beaujeu. Disregarding the advice of the despised provincials, he
fought
this fight as he had fought at Dettingen and Fontenoy, and led his men
into
an ambuscade and kept them there until his entire force was dissipated.
But the English have dogged tenacity of purpose ; they have ability ;
they
have wealth; and now the most brilliant genius of centuries was
conducting
their political and military affairs ; and when the memorable year of
1758
arrived, they were prepared as they never had been prepared before. The
months preceding had been months of preparation. The three expeditions
planned by Pitt for this year were all better organized and better
equipped,
and had heartier provincial support, than had any expedition ever sent
out by
the crown before. Louisburg fell easily before the fire of Boscawen's
ships
and the intrepidity of Amherst's men. The storming of Ticonderoga
failed only
through the inefficiency of Abercrombie, the commander, whom Pitt had
been
obliged to accept against his better judgment. The last expedition to
be set
in motion was that destined to be sent against Fort Duquesne. This time
the
campaign was to be conducted, not from Virginia, where supplies were
difficult to procure, but from Pennsylvania, where everything except
arms,
that an army required, could be readily obtained. Pennsylvania was
displaying
unbounded military zeal. From the time of Braddock's disaster, the
western
frontier of the whole country, from New England to the Carolinas, had
been
defenceless. Pennsylvania suffered more than any other colony. Not only
were
the French to be feared, but the Indians were everywhere attacking and
murdering settlers who had penetrated too far beyond the line of
civilization. A long thin line of smoke floated toward the heavens
above the
blazing cabins.
Pennsylvania was anxious to do her share in relieving the situation.
Then,
too, Pitt's genius had made it easier for her to raise an army. By his
orders
the provincial officers took equal rank with the officers of the
regular army
according to grade. In former campaigns, the provincial officers either
had
no rank when serving with regulars, or were inferior to them in rank.
Another
reason why it was easier to raise troops was, that the royal government
provided the artillery, arms, ammunition, tents, transport and food;
the only
charge to the colonies was that of levying clothing and paying their
own men.
In April, Forbes began organizing his army. He was
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a Scotchman, forty-nine years old, and had seen much service in Europe.
In
the war with France, which had ended the preceding year, he had been
quarter-
master-general to the Duke of Cumberland. A well-bred man of the world,
his
manners were free from affectation and he soon won the confidence of the
people of Philadelphia, where he had his headquarters. His conduct of
the
campaign shows that he was far-sighted, cautious and of indomitable
will.
Every assistance was rendered him by the provincial authorities. He
realized,
even before he reached Philadelphia, the advantage of detaching from the
French interest the Indians on the Ohio, or at least keeping them
neutral,
and made his wishes known to the provincial authorities. The Shawanese
and
Delawares had become attached to the French side immediately after
Braddock's
defeat. From that time on, their forays against the English settlers had
become so intolerable that an expedition had been sent against them by
the
Pennsylvania authorities in September, 1756, under command of Colonel
John
Armstrong, and the Indians had been terribly punished at their village
of
Kittanning, and that place destroyed. This punishment still rankled in
the
bosoms of the savages when Forbes was planning his campaign. Who to get
to
brave the dangers of venturing among Indians, still smarting under this
defeat, was the question with Governor Denny. It required a man of
unbounded
courage, of cool brain, well known and popular with the Indians.
Pennsylvania's former ambassador among them, Conrad Weiser, was old and
in
failing health. No one else could be found until the Society of
Friends, who,
always desirous of maintaining peace, suggested a German named Christian
Frederick Post.
Post was a Moravian missionary and had lived among the Indians,
although he
had never been in the Ohio country; he spoke their language and had
married
one of their women. The Moravians, like the Friends, were opposed to
war and
preached peace. This zealous sect of Germans were the only Protestants
who
were attempting to bring the Indians over to the Christian faith, or
had any
missions among them. Post was their most successful missionary; no man
stood
higher in the estimation of the savages among whom he labored. His
uprightness of character, his true Christian spirit, his sagacity, his
courage, all marked him as the man to undertake Forbes' dangerous
enterprise.
In venturing into the enemy's country, this simple missionary showed the
courage of a hero. He took his life in his hands. If captured by the
French,
it meant an ignominious death
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as a spy ; if he succeeded, what worldly honor or glory could be the
reward
of a mere man of God? Yet he went forth serenely to almost certain
death,
like a Christian martyr of old.
When he had already started, the two Delaware Indians who accompanied
him as
guides attempted to dissuade him from proceeding with his journey,
telling
him they were afraid the western Indians would kill him or the French
capture
him He replied with saint-like enthusiasm, that if he "died in the
undertaking, it would be as much for the Indians as the English." He
explained that he hoped his journey "would be the means of saving the
lives
of many hundred Indians."
Everywhere he was well received; in many places, enthusiastically. When
he
reached the French fort of Venango, he says, with what appears like a
gleam
of humor, "I prayed the Lord to blind them, as he did the enemies of
Lot and
Elisha," and adds, "The Lord heard my prayer and I passed unknown till
we had
mounted our horses to go off, when two Frenchmen came to take leave of
the
Indians, and were much surprised at seeing me, but said nothing." At a
village on Beaver Creek, the Indians surrounded him with drawn knives
in such
a manner, he declares modestly, "that I could hardly get along; running
up
against me, with breasts open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill
me.
Their faces were quite distorted with rage and they went so far as to
say I
should not live long; but some Indians with whom I was formerly
acquainted,
coming up and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behavior to me
quickly
changed."
His visit awakened an intense interest among the Indians, and they
insisted
that he go with them to Fort Duquesne. He protested that his mission
was to
the Indians and not to the French with whom the English were at war. His
protest was unavailing; the Indians declared they had sent a messenger
to the
fort, who had returned and reported that there were eight different
nations
represented there who all wanted to hear his message. They assured him
that
he need not fear the French, and declared solemnly that they would
"carry him
in their bosoms," which Post translates as meaning to "engage for his
safety."
Reluctantly he went with them, but on arriving at the fort, remained on
the
north side of the Allegheny River. His fame had gone before him, and
all the
Indians in and about the fort came over to see him. His apprehension
for his
personal safety had not been groundless. No sooner was
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it known that he was across the river from the fort, than two French
officers came over and demanded that he be delivered up to them. But his
Indian friends told the officers that they had brought him there in
order
that all the Indians might see him and hear what he had to say, and that
under no circumstances would they suffer him to be taken into the fort.
Post
also learned from these Indians, that the French had offered a large
reward
for his scalp and that several parties were then out for the purpose of
securing it. He says whimsically, "Accordingly, I stuck constantly as
close
to the fire as if I had been chained there." The next day he delivered
his
message.
It was something unique in history, that conference by the riverside in
sight of the enemy's stronghold. Post stood in the middle of the great
throng. Across the river was the square wooden fort with the French flag
flying above one of its bastions. From the rude log huts and the ruder
bark
shelters of the Indians, in the rear of the fortress, smoke was
ascending
from half a hundred chimneys. On the river bank were hundreds of
Canadians
picturesquely clad in fringed hunting skirts and fur caps, lounging
about, or
unloading the bateaux and canoes which had brought them down the river
the
afternoon before.
On the wide plain stood the black-robed, beardless missionary. A hundred
yards to the north in the shade of the huge sycamore trees was his
camp; here
the horses were picketed. Surrounding him on every side was a motley
crew of
some three hundred Indians, resplendent in colors, some in war paint and
feathers, and scarcely half clad, all wearing their lightest summer
apparel.
In the canoes, beached on the bank, sat a number of squaws and
half-grown
boys. Several French officers, in white uniforms with blue facings,
their
three-cornered black hats drawn down over their brows, watched the
meeting
with anxious eyes. Other officers were seated about a table which had
been
brought over from the fort, taking a report of the proceedings Post
says, "I
spoke with a free conscience and perceived by the looks of the French
that
they were not pleased with what I said." The speech was full of homely
phrases and imagery dear to Indian ears. He pleaded with his auditors
for
peace, for brotherly love and friendship with the English. The value of
wampum was not forgotten, for at every pause in his speech he held up "a
string" or "a belt," or "a belt of eleven rows" or a "belt of seven
rows," or
"a large peace belt."
At the conclusion of the address, the Delawares pro-
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claimed that they were for peace, the Mingoes agreed with them ; the
Shawanese promised to send the belts to all the Indians and in twelve
days to
meet again. And at break of day, as the guns of the fort boomed out
their
call to the early mass, Post and his party moved silently away by
another
road from the one by which they had come, for fear of being pursued by
the
French. The apostle of peace had won a great victory; not an Indian
whom he
had reached, raised an arm against the English.
In the meantime, Forbes' army was on the march. One-half of the entire
force
was from Pennsylvania, besides nearly all of the thousand wagoners and
laborers. The province raised twenty-seven hundred soldiers of its own,
which
included a troop of fifty light horse. The detachment of three hundred
and
sixty-five Royal Americans, although a regular force, was part of a
regiment
recruited a short time before among the German settlers of
Pennsylvania, in
pursuance of an Act of Parliament enacted in 1755, because the Germans
"were
all zealous Protestants, and in general, strong, hardy men, and faithful
soldiers might be raised out of them, particularly proper to oppose the
French." Colonel Henry Boquet, the lieutenant-colonel of the Royal
Americans,
was appointed by General Forbes as his second in command. This brilliant
officer was born in Switzerland in 1719, and was consequently
thirty-nine
years old. While still a very young man, he had distinguished himself
in the
service of the King of Sardinia; then he had entered the service of the
Prince of Orange in Holland. Boquet became the companion of the savants
of
the University of Leyden; and becoming intimate with several
distinguished
Englishmen, when the regiment of Royal Americans was organized, he,
with a
number of other Swiss and German officers, was induced to come to
America to
undertake the command. He was of imposing appearance, of great polish of
manners, and moved in the best circles of society in Philadelphia.
Colonel
John Armstrong, who, two years before, had led the successful expedition
against the Indians at Kittanning, was in direct command of the
provincials
from Pennsylvania.
In April, after the Seventy-seventh Highlanders under Lieutenant-Colonel
Archibald Montgomery arrived, Colonel Boquet set out with the regulars
on his
march to Raystown, which he reached early in June. There he immediately
set
to work erecting a fort, which he called Fort Bedford, after the Duke of
Bedford, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland under Pitt, where the town of
Bedford now
stands. Thus far, there was a travelled road. The question which now
con-
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fronted the army was, how to reach Fort Duquesne from this point. From
Raystown to Fort Cumberland was thirty-four miles ; here the road which
Braddock had constructed three years before could be taken. Colonel
Washington, who commanded the troops furnished by Virginia, Maryland and
North Carolina, which were assembling at Winchester, Virginia, strongly
advocated this route. Forbes, before coming to Pennsylvania, in a letter
written from New York to Governor Denny, had also favored going this
way. Now
being on the ground, he consulted with Boquet and Armstrong, and both
favored
a new route through Pennsylvania. But Forbes did not decide at once ;
his
sole aim, he declared, was "the good of the service," without regard to
"provincial interests, jealousies or suspicions." He directed Boquet to
advise with Washington and obtain his opinion, which was unhesitatingly
given
in favor of Braddock's road.
General Forbes was a man of great comprehensiveness of mind. With
Boquet and
Armstrong, he realized that at Fort Duquesne was the gateway leading to
the
western country. Beyond the French fortress lay a vast empire, ripe for
English civilization. He determined to win it for all time. But to do
so, a
road must be built through a country into which immigration would be
tempted,
and where provisions and forage and cattle could be readily obtained.
The
south was not such a country and did not furnish such a route. So he
commenced work on a new road through Pennsylvania, and on the first of
August, seventeen hundred of Boquet's men were employed in constructing
it
through the forests and underbrush, across the mountains.
Early in July, Forbes marched out of Philadelphia with the remainder of
the
army, but was detained for three weeks at Carlisle by illness.
Sometimes the
illness would yield to treatment, when he would begin the journey
again, then
a relapse would occur and he would be compelled to stop anew. His mind,
however, was always at the front, advising with and directing Boquet by
messenger and letter. On the 9th of September, with the troops and
supplies,
he reached Raystown and ordered the southern troops to march from
Cumberland,
where they had gone from Winchester, to join him at Raystown. His
force, with
the Cherokee, Catawba and Tuscarora Indians, who came with the southern
force, now consisted of about six thousand men, not including the
wagoners
and laborers. Two days before, the road had been completed through the
wilderness, a distance of forty-five miles to a point just beyond
Laurel Hill
on Loyalhanna Creek, where Boquet had proceeded to construct
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a fort which he called Fort Ligonier, in honor of the general of that
name
whom Pitt had recently appointed captain-general to succeed the Duke of
Cumberland.
Forbes' caution was extreme; he had learned much from Braddock's mishap
and
did not mean to be caught in the same dilemma. He had ordered Forts
Bedford
and Ligonier to be built as bases whence he could draw his supplies as
needed. He would not permit himself to be hurried in his movements. He
had
not heard from Post, his envoy among the Indians. His supplies had been
collected, but were not yet all on wheels. Besides, there was a project
on
foot for a grand peace council of the Indians living east of the
mountains,
to be held at Easton, at which he expected to have a treaty signed,
settling
all differences between these Indians and the provincial government,
which he
hoped would also have great weight with the western Indians. For this,
too,
he must wait. All this accomplished, he intended to hurry forward and
with
one blow sweep the French from the Ohio Valley. But he met with an
unexpected
check.
He was on his sick-bed at Raystown when he was startled by receiving two
letters, one from Colonel Boquet, which enclosed another from Major
James
Grant of the Highland regiment. On September 14th, a detachment of
Boquet's
troops, under Grant, had been signally defeated. Grant had asked Boquet
to
send him on a reconnoissance toward Fort Duquesne. Unfortunately, Boquet
granted the request and directed Grant to take with him three hundred
Highlanders, one hundred Royal Americans, one hundred and fifty
Virginians,
one hundred Marylanders, one hundred Pennsylvanians, and a number of
Indians
to serve as scouts. Boquet ordered Grant to so regulate his march that
he
would be within five miles of the fort in the evening, and if not
discovered,
he was to advance to the rising ground situated midway between the
Allegheny
and Monongahela rivers, overlooking the fort and only a half mile
distant.
Here he was to reconnoiter. After midnight he was to send forward a
detachment and attack with the bayonet any Indians that he might find
outside
the fort. If he won or lost, he was to retire before daybreak, for a
distance
of six miles along the way by which he had come; and if followed, he
was to
form an ambuscade of all his men. If he won at the ambuscade, he was
directed
to advance again and reconnoiter the fort; but if discovered, he was to
think
only of retiring. The scheme was a good one. This is what happened:
Some time after two o'clock in the morning, Grant ar-
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rived on the elevation described to him. by Boquet, and which, for a
century
afterward, bore Grant's name. Everything was in darkness; a dense fog
hung
over the landscape; the Indian fires were burnt out. Grant ordered Major
Lewis of the Virginians to go forward with two hundred Highlanders, one
hundred Royal Americans and one hundred Virginians, and attack any
force that
he might find about the fort, draw their fire and then retreat to the
main
body, who were to lie in ambush and surprise the enemy, should they
pursue.
In a short time Major Lewis returned, reporting that in the intense
darkness
it was impossible to proceed; that there were logs across the road;
that it
was blocked up by fences ; that his force had made so much noise that
he felt
sure they must have been discovered, but that they had seen no one and
had
not been challenged.
Grant was determined to do something, so he sent Lieutenants Robinson
and
MacDonald with fifty men to make an attack on a place where two or
three camp-
fires had been seen by his scouts the night before. "I desired them to
kill a
dozen of Indians, if possible, and I would be satisfied," he says with
easy
sangfroid. This force found nothing but an empty block house, which
they set
fire to and returned. At break of day, Grant sent Major Lewis with the
Royal
Americans and Virginians, to reinforce Captain Bullet, whom he had left
with
fifty men to guard the horses and provisions, two miles in the rear. As
if an
explanation of this incomprehensible order in weakening his force by two
hundred men were necessary, Grant states in his report to General
Forbes, "I
was afraid the enemy might possibly send a detachment that way to take
possession of some passes to harass us in our march or perhaps to cut
us off
in case we were forced to make a retreat."
Two hundred Highlanders, one hundred Marylanders and one hundred
Pennsylvanians were retained on the elevation. In his superficial way,
Grant
observes "The troops were in an advantageous post and I must own I
thought we
had nothing to fear." Yet it was known that the commandant of the fort
was
DeLigneris, who had been one of the two captains under DeBeaujeu when
Braddock's army was destroyed, and was a soldier of ability, who, with
the
numerous Indians about him, could not help having knowledge of the
approach
of the English army. With a recklessness beyond belief, Grant had the
reveille sounded, and to the music of the bagpipes and the drums, he
sent
Captain MacDonald with one hundred Highlanders straight to the
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fort. MacDonald had hardly gone half the distance, when out of the fort
burst nearly three hundred wildly yelling French and Indians under
command of
Captain Aubray, whose Louisiana troops composed most of the force.
They fired as they advanced. MacDonald was killed almost at the first
fire
and his force thrown into confusion. The companies of Monro and
MacKenzie
descended from the elevation to the assistance of MacDonald's command,
but
were also soon in disorder; both captains were killed and the men
rushed back
pell-mell up the elevation again. More of the enemy pushed forward,
keeping
the trees in front of them, from behind which they fired, and fell on
the
forces on the elevation on both flanks, driving them into the woods. By
this
time, seven or eight hundred Frenchmen and an unknown number of Indians
were
engaged with the British, who were hard pressed and dissolving fast.
Grant
says he endeavored to rally his men, and sent an officer back to Major
Lewis,
directing him to make the best disposition possible of the Royal
Americans
and Virginians, until he could come up, as he intended to make a stand
there.
Lewis, however, did not wait until the remnant of Grant's force came
flying
back, but at sound of the firing, pushed in all haste with his entire
force
over the hills and hollows, through woods and open ground, in the
direction
of the firing. When he reached the elevation, all breathless, he found
no one
there but the enemy, who fell on him furiously. For a while he held this
ground, his men firing from behind trees ; but having lost many men,
this
force, too, gave way and scattered into the woods, fleeing in the
direction
taken by Grant's men. Major Lewis was taken prisoner.
Back with the supplies, Captain Bullet attempted to stem the flight
with his
fifty men. But the Highlanders were panic-stricken. Grant says, "Fear
had
then got the better of every other passion." After two-thirds of his
men had
fallen, Bullet abandoned the provisions -the horses had been already
ridden
off by some of the frightened Highlanders - and beat a retreat toward
the
Allegheny river, where he found. Grant with a handful of Highlanders.
The
French were soon on all sides of them, and several officers recognizing
Grant, offered him quarter, which he accepted and was made prisoner.
Bullet
continued firing until a number of his men jumped into the river and
attempted to swim across to the other side, where they were fired on
and most
of them drowned, when he also made his escape through a clump of trees.
The English loss was two hundred and seventy-three
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men. Along the road over which the main body fled, the dead and wounded
lay
scattered for several miles beyond the place where. Bullet had made his
gallant stand. Grant offered no excuse for his conduct of the affair.
On the
contrary, he justified himself. In his captivity, on the day on which
he was
taken prisoner, he had his own advantage in mind more than the loss of
so
many of his men. He says in his report of the engagement, "I am willing
to
flatter myself that my being a prisoner will be no, detriment to my
promotion, in case vacancies should happen in the army." French
authorities
place the loss on their side at the incredibly low number of nine
killed and
wounded.
Emboldened by Grant's defeat, the French determined to take the
offensive,
and attack Colonel Boquet in his camp on Loyalhanna Creek before the
arrival
from. Raystown of the forces under General Forbes. Boquet was attacked
on
October 12th, with great spirit, by a force estimated at twelve hundred
French and two hundred Indians under command of DeVetri. The action
lasted
four hours, when the French withdrew with considerable loss. During the
night
they made 'a second attack, but a few shells thrown into their camp
compelled
them to retreat. In this engagement, Colonel Boquet lost sixty-seven
men.
At last, General Forbes considered everything to be in readiness for
his own
forward movement. Post had returned an& reported his success with
the Indians
on the Ohio; and Forbes felt confident that the conference between the
eastern Indians and the provincial authorities at Easton would
terminate in a
treaty of peace and amity. The road was practically finished, the
weather was
cooler, and on October 24th, with the rear division of the army, he left
Raystown for Loyalhanna Creek, where they arrived on November Ht. It
was a
week of torture to the suffering officer. His disease had been
progressing
and he was now carried on a litter over the rough road. Though
emaciated and
weak, his determined will kept his mind from his illness and on his
task; in
admiration of this power, the Indians in his force called him the "Iron
Head."
The weather turned cold and the mountains were white with snow; then the
snow melted and the cold rains fell, and the new road over which the
army
struggled became deep with mud. The soldiers were still in their summer
attire and complained bitterly; still colder weather was to be looked
for
soon. Some of the officers who had expected to be engaged only in a
pleasant
summer excursion, were anxious to get back to their homes, and in
consequence
saw
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every danger and difficulty in magnified form. A council of, war was
held
and the impracticability of pursuing the campaign further before spring
was
warmly urged by these officers. Forbes, at whose bedside the council was
being held, declined to listen to the arguments. Impatiently he waived
the
officers aside and announced that the army would proceed. Right quickly
the
timid ones were brought over to Forbes' side.
Three Frenchmen who had been sent to watch the movements of the English
army
were taken prisoners, and from them it was learned that the militia from
Louisiana and Illinois had left Fort Duquesne; that the Ottawas,
Ojibways,
Pottawattamies and Wyandots gathered there since the preceding July
from the
Great Lakes, believing that the English were entirely discomfited' by
Grant's
defeat, had returned to their distant homes, and that the utmost
strength
that DeLigneris could now muster did not exceed five hundred men; that
there
were no further provisions in the fort with which to sustain an army.
Now,
too, Post arrived at the camp, on his way to the Ohio Indians from
Easton,
with his report of the successful outcome of the conference, and his
message
of peace from the eastern to the western Indians. Forbes gave him
another
message in which he informed the Indians that he was advancing against
the
French at the head of a large army, and advised them to remain neutral
and go
back to their homes. Forbes' hopes of a successful issue of the
campaign were
higher than ever now ; he realized that the final hour had come. He saw
his
army marching in triumph into the French fortress.
Colonel Washington was sent forward in advance of the main body of the
army,
to take command of a division employed in opening up the road. From an
English prisoner whom he took from some French whom he encountered, he
received information which confirmed the report which the army had
already
received, of the defenceless condition of the fort. A few days later,
Colonel
Armstrong, with force of a thousand men, pushed forward to assist
Colonel
Washington. On November 17th, General Forbes followed with forty-three
hundred men. The tents and baggage were left behind; the soldiers were
obliged to depend solely on their blankets and knapsacks. With a light
train
of artillery and friendly Indians, constantly kept out as scouts to
guard
against surprise, the whole army crept on, bivouacking at night wherever
darkness overtook them.
On November 23rd they were within twelve miles of the fort, on the bank
of
Turtle Creek. On the twenty-
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fourth, they were still there waiting for intelligence from the Indians
who
had been sent forward to reconnoiter. In the evening the Indians
reported to
General Forbes that they had discovered a thick cloud of smoke arising
over
the fort and extending along the Allegheny river bottom. At midnight the
sentinels guarding the bivouack were startled by the dull sound of a
distant
explosion. An hour later the Indian scouts sent word that the French had
blown up their magazine and abandoned their fort, after having burnt
all the
buildings and supplies. A troop of light horse, under Captain John
Haslet,
was immediately sent forward to extinguish the flames, if that was still
possible.
In the morning the entire army moved forward, eagerly but cautiously.
The
commander would not allow haste for fear of running into some unknown
danger.
During the last three miles of the march, the army passed the scattered
bodies of those who had fallen two months before, at the defeat of
Grant. The
route fell into a long open racepath, where the savages had been wont
to pass
their prisoners through the ordeal of the gauntlet. On either side, a
long
row of naked stakes were planted in the ground, on each of which
grinned, in
decaying ghastliness, the severed head of a Highlander, while beneath
was
exhibited his kilt. This was the Indians' way of displaying their
contempt
for the "petticoat warriors" who had run away at the time of Grant's
rout.
The early winter dusk was stealing on when the army emerged from the
leafless woods and reached the elevation where Grant had been so
terribly
punished. Here a short halt was ordered. Before them, on the level plain
below, were the smoking ruins of the fort. Thirty chimneys rose naked
above
the ashes of as many houses. Not a Frenchman was to be seen. After the
commands had been reformed, with flags flying, drums beating and
bagpipes
playing, the army marched down the elevation to the plain and onward to
the
fort. The southern Indians were in advance; after them Colonel
Washington and
Colonel Armstrong, at the head of the provincials, led the way. Of the
provincials, Washington's Virginians in their hunting shirts and Indian
blankets, came first ; then followed the Pennsylvanians in green
uniforms
turned up with buff. Most of the other provincials marched in the
dress, now
torn and ragged, that they had worn when leaving their usual vocations ;
interspersed were frontiersmen dressed in buckskin with fringed hunting
shirts, leggings and moccasins, and wearing coonskin caps. Then came
General
Forbes, now terribly wasted,
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reclining on his litter, but with bright eyes and eager interest,
directing
the march. Colonel Boquet rode in front of the Royal Americans, who
followed
the provincials. Their three-cornered hats and dark scarlet uniforms
faced
with blue, contrasted markedly with the diversely-clad provincials. The
Highlanders, in bonnets and kilts and belted plaids, in a long
picturesque
line, under their colonel, Montgomery, brought up the rear. Not a
spectator
was there to observe that imposing martial array but a few vagabond
Indians,
who had remained to tell of the departure of the Frenchmen.
As a wild snow-storm was deepening the dusk into black night, the
banner of
England was hoisted over one of the ruined bastions by Colonel
Armstrong; and
the "Iron Head" christened the place anew. Bearing in mind the great
statesman who had brought about the change of flags, and had honored
him by
making him the instrument for its attainment, Forbes called the
collection of
ruined cabins
PITTSBURGH.
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Authorities consulted in the preparation of the foregoing narrative:
Anecdotes of the Life of The Right Hon. William Pitt, Earl of Chatham;
London, 1792. George Bancroft's History of the United States of America;
Boston, 1879. Boquet's Expedition against the Ohio Indians in 1764;
Cincinnati, 1868. Berthold Fernow's The Ohio Valley in Colonial Days;
Albany,
1890. Lucy Forney Bittinger's The Germans in Colonial Times;
Philadelphia and
London, 1901. T. J. Chapman's Old Pittsburgh Days; Pittsburgh, 1900.
Neville
B. Craig's The Olden Time; Pittsburgh, 1846. Mary Carson Darlington's
Fort
Pitt; Pittsburgh, 1892. William M. Darlington's Christopher Gist's
Journals;
Pittsburgh, 1893. Early History of Western Pennsylvania; Pittsburg and
Harrisburg, 1846. Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania; Harrisburg, 1896. John
Richard Green's History of the English People; New York. Walford Davis
Green's William Pitt, Earl of Chatham; New York and London, 1901. John
Heck-
welder's A Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren among the
Delaware
and Mohegan Indians; Philadelphia, 1820. _Washington Irving's Life of
George
Washington; New York, 1855. George Henry Loskiel's History of the
Mission of
the United Brethren among the Indians in North America; London, 1794.
John
Marshall's The Life of George Washington; London, 1804. Francis
Park-man's
Monicalm and Wolfe; Boston, 1897. A. W. Patterson's His tory of
the
Backwoods; Pittsburgh, 1843. Winthrop Sargent's The History of an
Expedition
against Fort The Quesne in 1755; Philadelphia, 1856. Jared Sparks' The
Life
of George Washington; Boston, 1839. Joseph S. Walton's Conrad Weiser
and the
Indian Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania; Philadelphia.
18