EARLY
PLANTATION LIFE IN MADISON PARISH
From
the Madison Journal Centennial Issue August 14, 1975, Section II pp. 6-8
(Slightly
modified and reformatted from original – Richard P. Sevier)
Southern Jousting
Plantation Life
Medical Practices
A Plantation Year
Slave Restrictions
Secession
Madison, a
cotton-planting parish, certainly had its share of Old South culture and
customs. The scenes and images of Gone With The Wind - magnificent,
columned houses, slaves toiling in the fields and coy hoopskirted, southern
girls were not born in the parish, but came as the rightful inheritance of the
profiteering planters, who transplanted the manners of the older cotton States
in the fertile soil of Madison Parish.
The wealth and
status of these planters was not measured by the extent of their land but by
the number of their slaves. An adult male slave cost between $500 and $900 in
Madison Parish by 1840.
The largest slaveholders
and their plantations were Dr. James G. Carson, "Canebrake"; A.J.
Lowry, "Buckhorn"; Mrs. Amanda Stone, "Brokenburn;" and
John Perkins, "Somerset." These owned more than 150 slaves. Perkins,
the wealthiest, owned 250. Of course, not all were adult males.
Other large
slave-holders who owned more than 50 Slaves, were Dr. Beverly Buckner,
"Winn Forest", Mrs. Elizabeth Savage, "Salem", Mark
Valentine "Oasis;" Mrs. Henrietta Amis, "Fortune's Fork";
Honoré Morancy, "Milliken's Bend; " Dr. David Dancy, "Crescent";
Mrs. Minerva Morris, "Bending Willow;" Henry Goodrich,
"Caswell" T. Foster, I. W. Monette, Lafayette Jones, Joseph Gustine,
William R. Peck, Gibson C. Bettis, and W. K. Edmington.
Notice how some
of the largest plantation owners were widows. Inheriting their land from their
dead husbands. These women proved to be equal to men in their ability to manage
huge plantations profitably.
If a lot of
those names are unfamiliar - well, don't be surprised. The neighborhood has
changed quite a bit in the last 120 years. Of course, the biggest factor in the
change was the Civil War, or the War Between the States, as southerners liked
to call it. Some plantation owners did not return from the war; some found it
impossible to hold out during the reconstruction years, became discouraged and
left.
How did this
"old bunch" live in their two decades together before the war tore
them apart and gave the parish to a new generation? What did they do to amuse
themselves? How did they run their plantations, and how did they treat their
slaves? What drove them to the fierce hatred of Yankees, which resulted in
secession?
The story must
begin and end with slavery. The slaves built the parish and enabled the
planters and their families to live cultured lives devoted to self-improvement
and amusement. Slavery was the harsh undercurrent of reality to the romantic
vanity of plantation life.
There were fine
plantation homes, filled with imported furnishings. Many planting families
toured Europe. Most of the children were well educated, having full-time
private tutors at home, then being sent away to colleges such as the Nashville
Female Academy and the University of Virginia.
Members of the
plantation family visited a great deal with their neighbors. They were
constantly entertaining guests. They played chess, backgammon and cards, told
fortunes, discussed current events, literature and mutual acquaintances. For
the women, there were sewing societies and quilting-bees, especially during the
war years.
The men enjoyed
hunting and fishing. Deer, squirrel and "coon" hunts were popular,
but the most exciting and elaborate diversion was the bear hunt. One such bear
hunt in 1851 consisted of "thirty hounds, an ox team and wagon, two
slaves, plenty of tenting and bedding, corn and other necessaries." The
party was out more than two weeks and killed ten bears. They wouldn't have quit
then, but two of the best dogs had been killed and several others crippled.
Bear hunts were
useful because the animals destroyed cornfields and hogs. Few cornfields
escaped the nightly visits of bears, which if not checked would lay waste to
even the best fields. Wounded bears especially were known to tear down a
cornfield or a rail fence. Bear hunts usually ended in injury to the dogs or to
one of the hunters.
There were a
number of formal and informal get-togethers. Groups often went berry picking,
hunting blackberries, dewberries and muscadines, which were found in abundance.
Friendly gatherings enjoyed singing the latest popular songs such as
"Those Dark Eyes," "Hard Times Come Again No More, "Bob
Ridley" and "Happy Land of Canaan." Barbecues and fish fries,
especially on the Fourth of July offered food, whiskey and oratory.
"Bran
dances" were held for the raising of new houses at which the dancers
cavorted to reels all night. They often were held in the newly completed cabin
if the floor was smooth enough. Otherwise the dance was held in the woods. A
plot of ground was smoothed off and spread over with bran or sawdust to make it
more elastic. (Modern, corrupt usage substitutes the phrase "barn
dance" for "bran dance.") Fancy private balls were given among
the wealthy, as in any cotton community of the "Old South" (or the
new one, for that matter). Editor Stewart commented on one in the Jan. 31, 1843
Richmond Compiler:
"The
company met at an early hour, attended with good music - when they commenced
the performances of the night, and reeled off cotillions until ten o'clock (for
the Madison Parish girls know how to do it) when they retired to feast ... on
the fat of the land-and never did our Creator spread a table more superfluously
loaded with the luxuries of life.
"There was
everything that was good to eat, drink and look at, from a sugar kiss to a
pretty girl-and if there was any gentleman there who did not feel like falling
in love, it must have been some crusty old bachelor... "
Probably the mot
popular form of entertainment was district court at Richmond, which drew crowds
of spectators from the surrounding area. The May 10, 1844 Richmond Compiler noted:
. "Our town for some days past has presented quite a lively
appearance. The session of the court has called many persons together from
various parts of the country, all doubtless having objects of their own to
accomplish. Candidates soliciting votes among the sovereigns, creditors
soliciting their dues, lawyers soliciting fees, and editors soliciting
additional names for their subscription list, make up a portion of the motley
crew."
Local planters,
squatters, bear hunters, peddlers and slave traders swarmed into town to enjoy
the crowd and thrill with the oratory of the "gentlemen of the green
bag," as lawyers were called. The drama of the courtroom was made more
intense by the participation of local people, some of whom had probably tried
to solve their differences earlier through a duel. Violent crime was always
viewed with intense interest for it made for more exciting court days.
After court
adjourned, the lawyers gathered at the local taverns. The citizenry crowded
around to hear the gentlemen of the bar review important cases and tell
humorous tales. Lawyers who traveled about the country were able to pick up and spread the oral literature of backwoods humor. No doubt the tales got
"taller" as the hours dragged on, for the "gentlemen of the
green bag" were as famous for their ability to consume liquor as for their
oratory.
Almost as
popular as court was horse racing. Richmond had a race course, as did most
other southern towns of any size. One of the great match races run there was
held on June 25, 1842, when course proprietor H. E. Downes ran his
"Georgia Maid" against Lawson Dunn's "John Stacker" in a
mile dash. The purse - the June 21 Richmond Compiler announced - was
$200.
"It is
impossible to form an accurate estimate of the immense amount of money, property
etc., that will be hazarded on this race," the announcement said, "We
understand that one or two flat-boats, loaded with produce, merchandise,
etc.,-a drove of mules and several yoke of oxen, besides a large wallet of N.
0. Shinplasters have already been staked on the issue."
The race was to
take place at noon and was to be followed by several quarter races, and then
Georgia Maid was to run against Mr. King's "Plough Boy" at four
o'clock. "We anticipate lots of sport and lots of People," ' the
announcement continued. Characteristically, the Compiler published no
follow-up story telling who won the great race. Evidently, everyone who wasn't
there knew within hours who the winner was.
One of the most
unusual amusements Madison citizens ever engaged in was the ring tournament,
which began in the 1850's and lasted almost to the turn of the century. This
variation of the old jousting matches held in medieval Europe may have been
inspired by the romantic novels of Sir Walter Scott, whom Kate Stone (in the
book Brokenburn) called the "prince of novelists. "
The men dressed
as knights of old, wearing knee breeches, velvet jackets, ruffled shirts and
wide-brimrned hats adorned with graceful plumes. A mounted herald introduced
the "knights" as they rode onto the field. They rode along a course
at breakneck speed and stabbed at suspended rings with the point of their
lance. It took a keen eye and steady nerve to poise the long lance at just the
right height to estimate the center of the ring while traveling on a swiftly
galloping horse. The champion named the "Queen" of the "Grand
Ball" which followed the tournament. The entire community participated in
making their tournament a success. All business was suspended and bands and
elaborate feats were enjoyed by the visitors who traveled miles to see the
tournament.
Perhaps it would
presumptuous to say the ring tournament reflected an image the cotton planters
had of themselves as feudal lords. Certainly their overblown notions of valiant
conflict and dashing young officers, and perhaps even - dare we say it, - the
idealistic novels of Sir Walter Scott, encouraged the southerners into fighting
a war they could not win.
Anyway, the ring
tournament lasted a long time after the war, and Tallulah was one of the main
centers of the sport in Louisiana. The event was held on racetracks, as were
regular horse races. The tracks were usually a circle of at least 300 yards,
with the turf peeled off and beaten smooth and firm. Eight tall poles were
placed at 25-yard intervals on its outer edge. The rings were suspended from
these poles. Madison Parish had two such tracks after the war, at Tallulah, and
Omega. Tallulah, in 1890, was the site of the last ring tournament in
Louisiana.
For a discussion
of the operation of a large cotton plantation, we will look at Dr. James Green
Carson's "Canebrake" plantation. The account books of the plantation
overseers from 1856 to 1858 were the basis of an article on
"Canebrake" written by Robert Reinders for the Louisiana
Historical Quarterly. David Creed used this and other sources for his
portrayal of life at "Canebrake," and his write-up is the basis for
ours.
"Canebrake"
was on the Mississippi River, about 10 miles north of Richmond. It was located
mainly in Carroll Parish, but some of its 2,576 acres spilled over into
Madison. Dr. Carson bought 1200 acres of it in 1846 for over $42,000. As he
became more prosperous he increased the size of his plantation, but left most
of it uncultivated and unimproved.
Dr. Carson's
slaves built a levee along the riverfront (both a practical and legal
necessity) and sodded it with Bermuda grass to prevent erosion. A small bayou
on the south side of the plantation helped to drain the land, as did the
drainage ditches constructed at right angles to the levee from the center of
the plantation to the swamps behind.
Most of the
buildings were built along the bayou. There were the slave quarters, which were
scoured and white washed periodically. Negro artisans built the overseer's simple
house nearby using logs cut out on the place. Also along the bayou were the
cotton gin, the seed house for the storage of cotton seed, and the shops for
repair - and storage of tools.
Other permanent
structures were the kiln, two wells, a plantation bell and a smokehouse. There
were also barns for the cows, stables for the horses and mules, a carriage
house, a kitchen, corncrib, and infirmary, and certainly a multitude of
outhouses. And of course there was the "big house," set back from the
road with a tree-lined avenue leading to it.
The planter
rarely involved himself in the day-to-day workings of the plantation. He left
the overseer to watch over the slaves and, in effect, raise the crop. The
overseer had to contend with runaway slaves, late winters, spring floods,
windstorms and cotton pests to get in a good crop.
The overseer was
quickly relieved if his work was not satisfactory. Carson ran through three
overseers between 1856 and 1858. The overseer was looked down upon by the
plantation family - partly because of his association with Negro slaves, and
also due to his meager educational and religious background. They could read
and write but little, and few went to church.
Carson had a
work force of 156 Slaves in 1858. He valued them using the following system:
each child under one year of age was worth $25, under two years was $75, and
$25 was added for each succeeding year up to age 18. Slaves 18 to 40 were worth
$800 ($600 for females), and those over 40 decreased in value. This valuation
varied according to the skills of the individual slave; an artisan named Thomas
was valued at $1500.
All but eight
men and eight women slaves of working age in 1858 were unconnected with field
labor. The women were probably house servants. Some of the men were likely
engaged in sheep and cattle herding, or were blacksmiths, gardeners, etc. A few
of the skilled field hands were assigned to barrel making and carpentry. Three
men operated the cotton gin and four the press. One man was a corn grinder, and
five were classified as wagoneers.
As for the
majority of the unskilled field laborers, they were transferred from one job to
another as the situation demanded. The cotton men were divided into plow hands
and hoe hands. They dug ditches when it was too wet to work in the fields. The
women were employed as field hands and also made cotton baskets, sewed clothes,
put up fences and exterminated cotton pests. The children or "chaps,"
were organized into trash gangs to police the plantation area and to do light
jobs.
All of the
slaves were provided with simple clothing. Shirts, pants and dresses were made
from purchased cloth, Shoes were ordered on the basis of yearly measurements of
the Negroes feet sizes. Male field hands were issued "mud boots" in
addition to regular shoes, and most of the men and women received hats. The
women were given socks in 1857; the following year, all the slaves got
handkerchiefs. The children had to do without shoes and headgear.
Being a doctor,
Carson didn't commission another physician to take care of his slaves' medical
needs. His own experience and the fact that he was taking care of his own
investment ensured the best medical care for his slaves. Even so, the slaves'
daily exertions in the fields, wet or dry, made them special victims of yellow
fever. An 1850 fever epidemic killed seven white men and 73 slaves in the
district, and these are typical figures. It is likely that 10 or 12 blacks
passed into eternity for every noble southern heart that bit the dust.
Medical
attention for black or white was fairly primitive by today's standards. In Brokenburn,
Kate Stone describes various diseases and their remedies. A local minister was
trying to cure his little girl's spasms by soaking her in a hot tub of water.
He forgot to test the heat first, however, and the child almost fatally scalded
in the process.
Later in the
journal, Kate got a toothache by "sitting all day in wet shoes." She
tried to relieve it first by smoking leaf cigarettes. When that didn't work, in
desperation she tried using "creosote, caustic, and any strong thing
people recommend" until she was afraid of ruining her teeth.
Malaria, the
perennial malady, was treated with everything from Quinine and podophyllin to
hot tea, "bitters and drugs of varied mean". Pneumonia was often
treated by blistering the patient on the back with some hot application in the
belief that this would relieve the congestion in the lungs. This treatment is
described in Brokenburn (pp. 157-158), in which Jimmy, Kate Stone's
15-year-old brother, is dangerously, ill with pneumonia:
"The Doctor
recommended giving him brandy in eggnog every 30 minutes and nourishment every
15 minutes. He put something on the raw, angry blister to allay the burning, itching
sensation that had tortured him so, and at night he tried as a last resort to
relieve the lungs by burning him under the shoulder blades with turpentine and
a hot iron.
"A flannel
was wet with the turpentine, laid on him, and ironed. It was exquisitely
painful, and they would not let Mama be in the room. When she returned after it
was over, Jimmy was gasping for breath and could just mutter, 'they have nearly
killed me, Mamma. Don't leave me any more."
"As soon as
the pain subsided he seemed a little better. He had not slept for 11 nights,
and the Doctor said that was enough to kill him without the disease. The Doctor
did all he could to ease the pain of the blisters and gave him large doses of
Battley's sedative, and towards morning we had the pleasure of seeing him fall
into a light sleep."
Jimmy survived
both the doctor and the disease. We cannot tell whether he recovered because of
his treatment or simply in spite of it. We do know that the "home-made
quackery" of a man on a southern plantation killed the patient when the
illness might have eventually run its course.
The planter and,
his wife, sons and daughters had little to do but educate and amuse themselves,
and they did both very well. They could because plantation slaves worked round
to provide them with their wants and needs.
In January, the
hands prepared the fields for the crops to be planted. New acres were cleared
for cultivation by removing the timber or burning it in the fields. Drainage
ditches were dug in the new lands and new fences were constructed. In the
fields already under cultivation, drainage ditches were cleaned out and the old
cotton stalks were pulled and burned.
The land was
ready for plowing by early February. Plowing began first on the new fields,
then on the older fields, which had previously been fertilized with manure and
cotton seed. The first crop planted was oats, followed early In March by corn.
If all went
well, the first cotton plants appeared at the end of April. The crop was then
scraped by plowing between the ridges to remove the weeds and "hill"
the plants. Spring was a very busy time as all hands were in the fields
chopping weeds and thinning out the cotton plants. The cotton had to be
constantly cultivated with hoes, plows, "scrapers," and sweeps.
Cultivation was
less intensive after the cotton blooms appeared in mid-June. The slaves were
often freed of work the whole or half of Saturday. But late summer was a
dangerous season, for bad bugs, lice and, armyworms appeared to threaten the
crop. While some women made baskets, others fought these pests.
Corn was planted
by using one-horse plows, behind each of which were two persons dropping seed.
The rest of the hands followed, covering the seed with hoes. Watermelons and
pumpkins were planted between the rows of corn.
The planting of
cornfields took about three or four weeks. Meanwhile the ridging of cotton
began. Planting was started as soon as the ridging process was completed, and
by late March or early April all of the cottonseed was in the ground. Sometimes
the crops had to be replanted because of a late April frost.
Cotton was not
the sole concern in these summer months. Oats were harvested in June and peas
were planted in their place. Sweet potato fields were hoed and Irish potatoes
were hilled. In August, corn was pulled, bound, tied and stored for winter
fodder. The ears of corn were removed and later shelled and ground.
Some of the
cotton bolls began to open in late August and women and children were sent to
pick them. When the overseer noted that the cotton was "opening
fast," all hands were sent into the fields. The cotton picking extended
well into December. The picked cotton was allowed to "sweat" for a
few days, then was sent to the gin and press.
When the fields
were picked over, and the overseer waited the opening up of the less mature
boles, he assigned hands to gather corn or dig potatoes. The last picking was
done by small groups, the "trash gangs." The cotton was ginned and
baled; the bales were bound In hemp or in the more progressive iron hoops. Then
the cotton was hauled to the riverboat landing, loaded on board a steamboat and
sent to a New Orleans commission firm in average lots of 50 bales.
On most
plantations Sunday holidays were rigidly kept, except when the duress of rising
flood waters required levee work on the Lords Day. Some planters employed a
minister to provide religious instruction for the slaves, On the Canebrake
plantation, the big holidays were the Fourth of July and Christmas. The Negroes
had a "big-to-do" over Christmas and were given a special food
allotment of molasses, flour and coffee.
Madison Parish
planters liked to think that their slaves were happy and naturally loyal to
their kind masters. Yet they realized that the only way to keep Negroes from
rebelling was to make them ignorant of any possibility for a better life. In
this vein, editor Downes published the following editorial in the Aug. 9, 1842,
Richmond Compiler, "The Legislature of Louisiana has wisely forbid
the instruction of Negroes to read or write. There is among the slave
population throughout the states far too much information for their own
happiness and subordination. Servants of hotels and boarding houses hear much
that has a tendency to create fatal aspirations; these communicate their
information to others which increases their discontent....
"We cannot
conceive of the fact the slave population are ever all attention at the
slightest remark that is made have been surprised by the rapidity with which
such occurrences are communicated among the slaves from the remotest parts of
the parish. There is evidently a line of communication; they too have their
Prophets - their Leaders.
Without rigid
regulations and strict subordination, there is no safety. Without giving any
instructions in the police of slaves, we will be permitted to remark that we
cannot approve the too frequent practice of permitting the Negroes to
congregate together, nor can we approve the practice of allowing them the
privilege of having associated off their owner's plantations. It is productive
of no good, creates discontent among other slaves who conceive it a hardship
that they cannot have like indulgences, and sooner or later it is a grievance
to their masters."
The slave laws
in Louisiana traced their ancestry back to the Black Code, promulgated by
Governor Bienville in 1724 and later revised. This body of laws was adopted
principally to regulate the rights, duties and punishment of slaves. It
continued under the Spaniards and, with modifications, during this statehood of
Louisiana until slavery was abolished.
The provisions
not only regulated slavery, but attempted to protect and advance the Catholic
Church, the only religion they recognized or tolerated. The first clause
declared that all Jews should be expelled from the colony. Other laws having
religious overtones stated that: Negroes placed under the supervision of
persons other than Catholics were to be confiscated. Negroes found working on
Sunday or holidays were to be confiscated. All Negroes were to be buried in
consecrated ground.
Laws dealing
solely with the subordination of slaves provided that: Negroes were not to
carry any kind of weapons or big sticks. When a slave was executed for crime,
the state was to compensate the master for the market value of the slave.
Negroes were not
to gather in crowds, even at weddings. A slave caught on horseback without
permission would be arrested, given 25 lashes, and sent back to his master, who
would be charged 12 and a half cents per mile for his return. Another statute,
which may not have been in the original Black Code, but was law in ante-bellum
Madison Parish, forbade the sale of "ardent spirits" to slaves.
Runaway and
rebellious slaves had always been a problem to cotton planters. These and other
provisions were adopted to combat that problem and protect property, so to
speak. But with the rise of the abolitionist movement in the north, especially
in states such as Ohio and New York, a feeling of uneasiness and even fear took
hold of the plantation society. The Richmond Compiler reflects this in
an Oct. 5, 1841, editorial: "As lightly as many around us hold the efforts
and demon like policy of the reckless fanatics of the Western and Eastern
states, we tell them that we cannot be too cautious with our slaves, nor can we
be too particular or rigid in scanning the characters of the multitude of idle
strangers around us, or in enforcing the laws upon the free Negroes that are
yet in the state.
"We believe
that a most damnable and hellish plot has been agreed upon by the
abolitionists, the free Negroes and the slaves to murder the whole slave
holding population, and to pillage and burn the dwellings and cities of the
south. We believe this as firmly as we believe in our existence."
At that time
secession was not in the minds of the citizens of Madison Parish. The local
Democrats, led by Robert M. Scott, a planter, were influential in the parish,
but the Whig planter aristocracy was in control. Louisiana was not
sectionalist, but strongly nationalist. A March 1, 1842, Richmond Compiler
ironically reflects this: "This Republic is destined to remain pure,
permanent, undefiled for ages yet. ...What! Dissolve this union - scatter to
the winds of heaven the most successful and brilliant form of government that
ever sprang from the brain of man! Preposterous! Ridiculous! It was easier to
strike the sun from the heavens - to cover with pitch the surface of the bright
orb of night - to set aside the decrees of fate - to disarrange the glorious
harmony of the spheres, than to succeed in so fanatical an undertaking."
But gradually,
as Northern abolitionist propaganda grew more intense, as both strangers and
previously-thought-respectable people were caught "stealing"
(freeing) slaves, as dark rumors of bloody slave insurrections became heard
more frequently, the people of Madison grew desperately worried about what the
success of abolitionist movements would mean to their society.
The bitterness
and hatred of abolitionists of James Downes, editor of the Compiler in 1842
and 1843 is indicative of the attitudes of Madisonians that grew prior to the
Civil War. Downes noted that abolitionists often came into the territory as
ministers, especially of the Methodist denomination: "This general
preference on the part of the abolitionists should teach us to examine all
strangers with the strictest scrutiny, without stopping to inquire whether they
be "man, saint, or devil." The present is no time, nor is this a
question for nice distinctions. We must make some small sacrifice of feeling
for the good of the public.
"If a
gentleman (one who is known to be such) of this or any other denomination,
comes amongst us, why, in God's name, give him a welcome, cordial reception.
But if a fellow, whom no one knows - who bears with him no evidence of
respectability whose habits unfit him for his holy calling, should venture
amongst us, watch him closely, and if you should catch him in his rascalities,
then hang him to the first bough you meet with. (Feb. 8, 1842)."
Downes was
criticized for being immoderate, but it was not long before the parish was
giving strangers a very cool reception. Both conservative Democrats and
"Old line Whigs" began to feel in the 1850's that the influx of new
settlers coming into the parish would upset Southern tradition and threaten the
slave economy. They saw immigrants as abolitionists and "Free
Soilers" (abolitionists who invaded a territory to make it a free state).
Occasionally one
of these people would arouse suspicion and meet a violent end, or be sent North.
Politically they were opposed by the American or "Know-Nothing"
party, which was strong in Madison Parish, if not in the state as a whole.
By the 1860
Presidential election, the "Know-Nothing Party" was dead in
Louisiana. But its sentiments, and the sentiments of the Whigs, also defunct,
still corresponded with the feelings of the citizens of Madison. They certainly
had a deep hatred of abolitionists, Republicans, and the Republican candidate,
Abraham Lincoln (who was not even on the ballot in the parish), but they
retained the belief that the Union must not be divided, if at all possible.
Accordingly, the parish voted for John Bell of the National Union party, whose
only platform was the preservation of the Union. Most of the other parishes, including
Madison's neighbors, Carroll, Tensas and Concordia, went for John C.
Breckinridge, the southern extremist.
Perhaps Madison
was little wiser than the rest of the state. Perhaps it realized the dependence
it had on the rest of the nation. The parish could provide itself with
virtually none of its commercial needs and, though it was an agricultural area,
the planters were so devoted to raising cotton that they did not even raise
enough food to make the parish self-sufficient in that respect.
Yet the election
of Abraham Lincoln struck Madisonians as a sign that reconciliation was
impossible. The parish sent strong secessionists to the convention called by
the Louisiana Legislature to consider withdrawing from the United States. Its
parish representatives were William R. Peck and Claiborne C. Briscoe. John
Perkins, Jr. of Madison and Lemuel P. Connor of Concordia represented the
Tensas and Concordia senatorial district.
Perkins was made
temporary chairman when the convention assembled in Baton Rouge on Jan. 23,
1861. He was also made chairman of the committee of 15 -which was to prepare
the ordinance for the withdrawal of Louisiana from the Union. The ordinance
Perkins' committee drew up was adopted by the convention on his motion on Jan
26 by a vote of 113 to 17.
John Perkins
later was elected to the Confederate House of Representatives from the
Northeast Louisiana District. He served in the Congress until it was abolished.
When Federal troops threatened his plantation, "Somerset," Perkins
set fire to his magnificent home and 2,000 bales of cotton to prevent them from
being used by the Yankees.
Perkins did not
return to Somerset after the war. Since he had taken such a prominent part in
the Confederate cause, he feared for his life. With an escort of three Confederate
soldiers and several thousand dollars in gold, Perkins fled to Mexico as did
many other Confederates. The party was attacked by bandits soon after it
arrived; Perkins' escorts were killed and his gold was stolen. Perkins then
entered the service of Emperor Maximillan of Mexico. Later, Maximillan was
killed and Perkins fled to Europe. He finally returned to Madison Parish in
1878, and spent his last years there.
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© 1999 Richard P.
Sevier ([email protected])