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BELGIANS IN AMERICA:
Belgian settlements by State
Distribution
according
to the State of settlement
: Pennsylvania
Miners
Elk County
DeHam colony & cartuyvels (Elk county)
By the time of the settlement of St Mary’s, Elk County, Pennsylvania, American pioneers had settled the Midwest and were looking beyond the Mississippi river but the Pennsylvania’s High Plateau of the Allegheny Mountains remained a wilderness. Elk County differs from much of the State, colder and heavily timbered, devoid of large rivers with a steep rugged terrain, poor soil and isolated. |
Elk, Jefferson and adjoining counties with Belgians in 1850/1860 adapted from:”Development in extractive communities: Ridgway and St. Marys” by William Charles Conrad |
Col. Mathias Benzinger, a venerable and respected citizen died yesterday (Death15 Jul 1874 ) at his late residence, No 219 Madison avenue, Baltimore, in his seventy-fifth year, He had been sick a long time. Col. Benzinger was born in Forchheim, Grand Duchy of Baden, of an old an noble family of that country. He is best and will be longest known for having purchased a large tract of wild land in Elk county, Pennsylvania, which he settled with immigrants brought over from Europe. It is now a flourishing township, known as Benzinger, and St. Mary's city in the township is quite a large place, the centre of the trade of that section. He acquired considerable wealth as a contractor under the general government, and in the cities of Baltimore and Washington. He was closely identified with the erection of St. Alphonsus Catholic Church, and with the founding of several benevolent institutions and was a director in several institutions of a business character. He leaves a number of descendants. Newspaper: Baltimore Sun from Historical Newspapers at GenealogyBank.com
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Ignatius Garner |
Ignatius
Garner (1816-1899), a
German immigrant from Schwerghouse, Alsace-Lorraine, France, was
among the early settlers of St. Marys, Elk County. He arrived in the
United States circa 1832, and lived in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and
New York. In the early 1840s he came to Philadelphia, where he was
active in that city's German Catholic community. Seeking greater
religious freedom, a group of German Catholics, drawing members from
Baltimore and Philadelphia, settled in St. Marys in 1842. Garner, a
lawyer, arrived there in 1845 employed as a land agent for the
Baltimore-based firm of Benzinger and Eschbach, which had bought the
land from the Fox Land Company in 1843. Living in St. Marys until
his death, Garner, in addition to his duties as a land agent, also
served as the town's first postmaster, its mayor, and an Elk County
auditor. He also was an organist, organ builder, musician, church
designer, surveyor, and attorney. |
Althought VanderStraeten-Ponthoz[5] speaks in his report to the Belgian government on the emigration to the States of a lot of Belgians in St Mary’s: “In May 1845, St Mary’s counted 90 families; 17 Belgian families came from Michigan there where they had begun their first establishment. The last reports are very favorable; all inhabitants seem satisfied”, only one family is listed in the 1850 census and I found no trace of other ones:
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Dwelling & |
First & Last name |
Age |
Sex |
Occupation |
Real |
Birth |
Remarks |
||
|
||||||||||
|
12 |
12 |
Adolphus |
Stockman |
65 |
M |
Farmer |
1000 |
Germany |
|
|
12 |
12 |
Catherine |
Stockman |
66 |
F |
|
|
Germany |
|
|
12 |
12 |
John |
Stockman |
24 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Germany |
|
|
12 |
12 |
Amelia |
Stockman |
22 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
|
||||||||||
|
70 |
71 |
Bonaventura |
Cortuyvels |
30 |
M |
Farmer |
350 |
Belgium |
(2) |
|
70 |
72 |
Lewis |
Cortuyvells |
39 |
M |
Farmer |
2000 |
Belgium |
(3) |
|
70 |
73 |
Mary |
Miller |
24 |
F |
|
|
Germany |
|
|
70 |
74 |
Anthony |
Kortevill |
24 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Germany |
|
|
70 |
75 |
Adolphus |
Winterkamp |
22 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Germany |
|
|
70 |
76 |
Theodore |
Fleuring |
19 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Germany |
|
|
||||||||||
|
88 |
89 |
Charles |
Van Ersel |
39 |
M |
none |
1000 |
Belgium |
(4) at Joseph Luhr boarding house |
|
89 |
90 |
Dominicus |
Redant |
46 |
M |
Farmer |
150 |
Belgium |
(5) |
|
89 |
91 |
Rosa |
Redant |
59 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
|
|
89 |
92 |
Mary |
Redant |
25 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
|
|
89 |
93 |
Francis (M) |
Redant |
23 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
|
|
89 |
94 |
Paulina |
Redant |
17 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
|
(1) Amelia (Redant) Stockman,
born 10 July 1826 in Alst, Belgium, was married to Johan Henrich Stockman on
November 21, 1847 at St Mary’s.
(2) Benoît Bonaventure Eugène Cartuyvels, born St Trond, Belgium in
1815, a younger brother of Jean Louis Ursmare Cartuyvels.
(3) Jean Louis Ursmare
Cartuyvels came in America in 1841, arriving at New York on board the
Ontario on March 8 with other clergymen and having for destination
Baltimore. He was born at Saint-Trond, Belgium, on April 20, 1811. A
Redemptorist, he joined the secular clergy in 1845. He died in Chicago on
July 5, 1874.
After leaving the St. Mary’s settlement, when the attempt of colonisation by
Belgians failed, he went to Illinois where, from 1855, he tried the same
thing with more success, but it’s another story. By chance, we know more of
the first Belgian settlers at St Marys as in 1850 Cartuyvels published in
French and in Belgium a pamphlet intituled “at the Belgian emigrants – St
Marys colony, Elk county, in the Pennsylvania State (northern America)”.
In that pamphlet were reproduced newspaper articles, testimonies of various
authorities and excerpts of letters from the Belgian settlers at St Marys.
(4) Charles-Gerard-François Van Eersel: born in Antwerp, April 14th,
1811, died at St Mary 's, on August 3rd, 1851. Arrived at the United States
in 1849, he went to St Mary 's in July, 1849 and bought lands. He gives a
very optimistic information and description of the colony.. He was married
with Sidonie Marie Rosalie Baesen and had four children. All remained
in Belgium after his death in 1851. He was a Doctor of Law, member of the
heraldic Council, knight of l 'Ordre de Leopold, acquired in 1840,
recognition of nobility and concession of the title of Knight transmissible
in order of masculine primogeniture.
(5) Dominique Redant.
In 1850, he is for 5 years in
the colony on which he gives many interesting details. Dominique Redant and
his family were first settled in Michigan, where they had constructed a farm
and equipped, endowed with stock, etc. But the family being attained by
fever, Redant was nearly ruined and left Michigan for St Mary 's in 1845.
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A letter written by Dominique Redant was published in the Cartuyvels pamphlet published in Belgium to entice people to emigrate at St Mary’s:
For Mr. Roch. Marschals, Oostdorp near Alost,
St Mary’s, April 8, 1850
Dear brother,
I will tell you this time about the situation of the colony of St Mary’s,
where we always are in good health and where we grow in prosperity day after
day. We hope that the Belgians, who on the other side of the sea, lives in
the misery, or those whose fortune goes decreasing every day, will finally
understand that in America alone they can find happiness; here a man of
goodwill, courage and energy not only can acquire in a few years an easy
life, but even an immense fortune. America is a large country and a country
which becomes increasingly more flourishing. What is beautiful here is that
we are all American citizens, with the perfect equality not in theory but in
practice; it is not even asked if one is rich or poor. Oh' I would like that
my voice would be powerful enough to be understood by all the Belgians; it
would stay in Belgium only the families having enough fortune to ask for
nothing more … since five years that I am in the colony, I have not still
meet any beggar: we does not see any in this rich country, this beautiful
America.
The Belgian colony whose Mr. DeHam is the director goes as well as possible
for the little of time of its existence. The Belgian government could not
help its poor any more effectively. All these people will become happy here.
We now have in the colony 4 churches and 4 priests; 2 Benedictines fathers,
who are in St Mary’s; the priest of Kersey, 4 miles of St Mary’s. A father
of St Mary’s will say the mass at Léopoldsbourg in the colony of Mr. DeHam,
and Abbot C(artuyvels) directs the vault of New-Brabant, which is 4
miles of St Mary’s. It is this worthy priest who blessed the vault of the
Belgians; it sang the first Mass there. One could not attend these
ceremonies and to hear this first mass without pouring tears of joy and
gratitude towards our Creator, who covers us so well with his protection. -
The Belgian colony is located close to the river Clarion, 8 miles of St
Mary’s.
Dear brother, I will say now some words of the colony in general. It
contains approximately 80000 acres of ground, the half of it is sold; the
other half belongs to Mrs. Benzinger, Eschbach and Abbot Cartuyvels - This
colony is in the most flourishing state; founded in 1844, it counts already
400 families, of which I saw the list in our Burgomaster. I believe that
there is few places in America which were so populated in so little time…
All the population is catholic… The first years we had to suffer here; we
had the colony to found and most of the colonists were very poor; but the
ground is so fertile that after the first three years each one of us was out
of misery. I know people who arrived here with 500 frank (100$) , have 50
acres of ground now, a house, cattle sheds, cows and pigs; but they worked
for these!
The ground is very fertile. Those which have only 25 acres and which cleared
12 of them can live well. To cut the trees and to burn them is the first and
also most painful work.
I could however advise everybody not to come to St Mary’s without being
owner of an amount of money quite enough to buy and pay the ground, to
settle and provide for the needs of life during one year and half: but when
you have this money, you can be certain of living at ease in a short time
and even becoming rich… The ground is sold for now from 3 to 5 $ per acre.
The iron factories could be established here with much advantage. The iron
ore is so heavy in St Mary’s that one hundred pounds of ore contain 75
pounds of iron; then we have coal mines in all the colony; coal, iron and
lime are here immediately under the good ground, so that we can cultivate it
and use minerals at the same time. Those which would have a certain amount
of money and which would have necessary knowledge for the manufacture of
iron would become very rich here. The town of Bellefonte, 70 miles from
here, is very rich by its iron factories, and, according to the people
knowing this art, one would manufacture in St Mary’s iron 35 per cent
cheaper than in Bellefonte.
I write all this to you so that you can make known the state of the colony
to our compatriots. The emigrants have a good opportunity now: Abbot
C(artuyvels) must already be in Belgium; it will be able to give you
verbally all the desirable information. It must be in Saint-Trond near his
mother, where probably he will stay during the little of time that he will
remain in Belgium.
There are still lands to sell in our colony, and I do not know a place where
a family, having still some means, could thrive more. I do not speak to you
about the fishing nor the hunting: they are useless things; it would be to
even wish that we have less deers.
I remain with love, Your
brother,
Dominique Redant.
In the same book, excerpts of letters sent by Chevalier (Knight) Van-Eersel to Madame V(an).E(ersel) in Brussels deal with the Belgians already at St Mary’s and with the new colony of Victor DeHam. He wrote:
July 1849:
“My dear S(idonie)…. the day after our arrival(at St Mary’s) we dined with
the priest; after dinner we went to see the Sisters of the Catholic School;
after that, we went see about 20 farmers, one of them a Belgian in the
colony from it’s begin, at we found all those people very happy… they are
the owners of 50 to 100 acres of land, those who never had anything.
August 1849: … Mr L(ouis Cartuyvels?) will maybe go to Wisconsin to
be the founder of a colony. He wants to take me as a company, but I’m not
happy with that. This country is full of Catholics, very fertile, healthy,
air of a big purity and the children are strong and never ill… I’d rather
stay here…
September 1849: … Yesterday we went to the Clarion, … three miles
from St Mary’s, but colonization work his way to that so favorable a place;
it’s the intended place for the colony of the poor coming from Flanders …
Abbot Cartuyvels will be back from Belgium next spring…
January 1850: …I bought 500 acres of the best possible piece of land…
in a month from now, Mr C. and I will be at New-Brabant and MM. DeHam will
be at New Flanders, 12 miles from one place to the other, but it’s nothing
with our horses and sleds…
March 1850: … I received the best news from the DeHam colony. Seven
houses are already built and the parcels of land assigned to the families.
His colony is going well.
But the project of settling in St Mary’s never occurred. Chevalier Van Eersel, sick, wrote his last will on July 21, 1851 and died at St. Mary's, August 3 of the same year in the house of Charles Luhr of apoplexy. He is listed as being buried in the St Mary’s catholic cemetery. Ignatius Garner administered the estate.
Another comment from the History of St Mary’s: “In the convent may be found some valuable paintings, among which a few, by Sister Mary, are prized very highly. The "Christ on the Cross," by Von Beck[6] (born at Antwerp in 1598, and a student of Rubens), brought from Belgium in 1849 by Baron Charles Van Ersal, is now in possession of Ignatius Garner. In 1882 he shipped it to Munich, to be restored. A certificate by Dr. Carl Foerster, art expert and president of antiquarian society of Bavaria, dated December 10, 1882, shows the painting to be one of Von Hoeck's. He also bears testimony to the work of restoration, and terms it a fine, well-preserved and undoubted original, which bears the truthful characteristics of the Rubens school”.
1849 Elk County: Leopoldsburg, New Flanders, the future settlement of Belgian paupers.
The project of sending Belgian paupers in St Mary’s began in 1848, when Joseph Beleke was sent in Belgium and Germany to attract people at the St Mary’s settlement. He wrote a letter to Charles Rogier, the new Minister of the Interior who inherited the colonisation project written by Mr De Theux[7]
7 July 1848
Respected Sir,
I arrived some weeks ago, from the United States of N. A. with dispatches for Berlin and with letters to the Chevalier Clemson, chargé d’affaire in Brussels. However, the principal object of my mission is to request the European governments, to send their emigrants to St Mary’s Colony, in Elk County, Pennsylvania, and thus, by limited efforts, extend far and wide, the flourishing settlement.
…
From there, the writing of the original document is only partly visible. Almost all the papers related to this project of emigration and in the archives of our Ministry of Foreign Affairs, some in original, some in copy sent from the Ministry of the Interior have been spoiled by water and often, the last third of each page is unreadable, the ink being washed off. The general meaning of the letter is yet still understandable. And the interesting part with the offer of Mathias Benzinger is almost unspoiled:
Although, in small lots, the land sell for $ 4-20 Dollars, according to its distance from the town, the proprietors, very desirous to name a settlement of the pious, industrious and good Belgians, they have legally authorized me, to offer to this government 10,000 - 50,000 acres of the best land, at the very low prize of 2 dollars per acre; and at the same time, they oblige themselves to provide the Belgian settlers with churches, schools and clergymen.
I take the liberty to say, on my own accord should this government allow 4 dollars per acre, I believe the proprietors would not only forward 100 Belgian families from New York to St Mary's Colony; but also build a town of 100 blockhouses with good churches and schools, provide Belgian clergymen and teachers and give a sufficient quantity of land for the future support of the school and churches, and, in addition to this, I think, theproprietors would also clear, for every family, 3 - 4 acres of land, saw them with rye and wheat and plant for them corn and potatoes.
I think, it would be advisable, to send the Belgians in different parties, at different times, in order that those who have arrived at the colony, may be employed for those who are to follow; in this manner would the money
sent by the government, chiefly come into the hand……… emigrants. After, in the manner co……
families have been well settled, the government may send any number of poor families without additional aid. Although by such improvements the value of land would rise, the proprietors will now sell any number of acres, which the government may now wish to buy for any after period, at 1 1/4 dollars per acre, which is the prize of the American government.
…
With Sentiments of high regard, I'm Your Excellency, humble servant
C. J. Beleke
Professor of (German) St Mary
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Professor Caspar Jordan Beleke was a professor of the German Language at the St Mary’s College at Emmitsburg, Frederick County, Maryland. He wrote a book on the “Grammar of the German Language” in Philadelphia in 1840, reprints still published today. He also was a Professor in the University of the City of New York, and moved to Chicago about 1864 and in 1871 headed a classical school.
Official U.S. Passport.
In part: "I, the Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United
States of America, hereby request all whom it may concern, to permit
safely and freely to pass Casper I. Beleke a Citizen of the
United States, and in case of need to give him all lawful Aid and
Protection...." Beleké is described as being 39 years of age, 5
feet 9 inches tall, with broad and high forehead, blue eyes, nose
without any striking mark, small mouth, round chin, fair hair, fair
complexion and round face. He has signed his passport: "C.J.
Beleké". On the fourth blank page is the embarkation stamp
in German, issued near Berlin on May 22, 1848. |
Rogier concluded on August 3, 1848 with Beleke a provisional agreement for the acquisition of 10,000 acres of land. l'une des clauses de la convention portait que l'acquisition ne serait définitive que lorsque la fertilité, la bonne situation des terres et la salubrité de la colonie auraient été reconnues. One of the clauses of the agreement was that the acquisition would not be final until the fertility of the land the right situation and the safety of the colony would have been recognized. It would be, for the government, a sum of 20,000 $ ( or 100 000 franks ) to disburse. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Constant d’Hoffschmidt, has some reservations: he founds that the proposal was expensive and was not to solve the problem of pauperism. He doubted that the colon has the strength and courage to overcome the difficulties that always arise each year. He also doubted that the people they have to send in Pennsylvania will fulfill these conditions. He concluded that it would be better to go through a private company that would be responsible for executing this contract rather than having the direct responsibility of the government.
Checks should be made by 1 October 1848. The on-site investigation at St. Mary was entrusted to Auguste Moxhet: Consul General of Belgium in New York and Victor DeHam Head office for Flanders at the Department of the Interior in Brussels.
Victor De Ham né à Annecy en France le 8 février 1805 était chef de bureau au Ministère de l'Intérieur à Bruxelles.Victor DeHam was commissioned in 1848 by the Minister, accompanied by Auguste Moxhet[8] already in New York, to visit and study the colony of Saint Mary the Belgian Government wanted to buy the land. Leur rapport était terminé dans les délais exigés par la convention, soit le 1er octobre 1848. Victor DeHam embarked on the “Hibernia”, en route to Boston where he arrived on September 8, 1848.
On October 1, with no news from the investigators, Baron D'Hoppschmidt, in agreement with the landowners: (Eschbach, Renzinger, and William A. Stokes[9] at Sainte Mary) postponed the decision for the 1st of April 1849.
On October 10, 1848, returning to New York, Moxhet and DeHam sent their reports. Si Moxhet était nettement pessimiste et mettait en doute la fertilité du sol, De Ham présenta la chose de façon tout à fait favorable. If Moxhet was clearly pessimistic and questioned soil fertility, DeHam presented the thing quite favorably. The Belgian Government, after consulting the Advisory Committee for the affairs of Flanders, abandoned the contract with the owners of St Mary’s.
On 27 July 1849, the Minister of the Interior, Charles Rogier notified the owners of the colony of Saint Mary, that the Government was giving up the idea of a contract with them but, impressed by the interest shown by Victor DeHam for the establishment of a colony, he proposed a new contract: Victor DeHam will resume business on his own account, will leave his post at the Ministry of Interior and agree to go with his family in the new colony.
A new agreement was signed with De Ham. Il prit l'engagement, en juillet 1849, de s'établir à Sainte-Marie avec sa famille et d'y recevoir annuellement des Flandres 50 émigrants pendant trois années consécutives. It took commitment, in July 1849, De Ham having to move to St. Mary's with his family and receive annually 50 emigrants from Flanders for three consecutive years. The Belgian Government would pay travel expenses up to Philadelphia, grant compensation to De Ham and would advance a sum for the establishment of the colony, repayable by settlers in a given period.
As explained in a letter from DeHam to the Redemptorist Michael Heilig in July 1849, the project was advancing slowly but was shifted from the Belgian government to DeHam responsibility
After various phases and difficulties, this project seems about to be arrested on the following basis ... Our government, fearing the expense that would have resulted in the emigration of thousands of individuals and also weary by the very unfavourable report from the commissioner who had assisted me in visiting the St Mary’s colony, was ready to abandon the enterprise, when as a result of the confidence that Providence has deigned to inspire my character, he consented, or at least seems willing very soon, to personally give me the means necessary to test on a small scale, that settlement enterprise. .. I’ll buy a large amount of land two miles of St. Mary, in a fertile and well located place. I commit myself to leave before the winter and take with me 50 people divided into family of 4 to 5 individuals. The Government will pay the passage. From their arrival in New York, I’ll take care of their fate, carry them to St Mary’s, and put at the disposal of the head of each family 25 acres of land, the materials they need to build a loghouse, a cow, a pig, sowing, some furniture, agricultural implements, finally I’ll give them sustenance until the next harvest.
The settlers will reimburse me, half in working day, two per week, half of food or money, when their position would be consolidated enough that they can do it with ease. In addition I’ll receive each year for 6 or 8 years, at least fifty other settlers to whom I’ll give the same assistance.
This number may be increased by people enjoying a few resources, determined to settle in the colony and following my example and my advice.
... This is also all I’ll can do with the very limited resources which I will have. For the religious needs of the colony, I have to ask you to kindly consent for a priest of your order, knowing Flemish, being specially engaged in the service of our future Church of St. Mary, where all the settlers will go on Sunday to attend services and take religious instruction.[10]
... The difficulties I will have to overcome are great, I fear for the first year that depression, weariness, nostalgia will sometimes seize our settlers, but encouraged by the consoling word of God, held together by the religious bond, for the community of religion, morals and goals, I hope with great confidence they’ll cross without too much difficulty this first crisis.
In another letter, after the contract was signed, DeHam asked for missionaries and for a priest to accompany them on their trip to New York. Given the precarious situation of Father Heilig and challenge he faced concerning his authority on the American missions, he would not get them.
Fr. Michael
Heilig was born on September 7, 1808, in Winterbach in the
Danube district of the Kingdom of Wurtemberg. Through frequent
association with Redemptorists who had established themselves in
Freiburg, he felt attracted very early on to the Redemptorist Order
by the writings of St Alphonsus Ligouri. In October, 1831, the twenty-three year old student travelled to Vienna and began his Novitiate. There he professed his vows on August 14, 1833. In April, 1834, he travelled from Vienna to Belgium. Then, in September he went to St. Trond, Belgium, and there he taught Humanities, knowledge of which he had acquired to a preeminent degree. When the newly acquired monastery at Wittem, Belgium, was furnished in 1836, he settled. On April 2 of the same year he was ordained a priest in Metz. In 1848 he became Provincial of the Belgian Province, to which Holland, England, and North America also belonged. In the following year, having been named Consultor General to Fr. Trapanese, he travelled to Italy, where he remained until April 3, 1850. In latter years he went to posts in Germany and Holland were he died in 1887. |
The contract between Victor DeHam and the Belgian government.
Mr.
Charles Rogier, Minister of the Interior, wishing to encourage an attempt of
emigration and colonization of Flemish indigents in Pennsylvania, United
States of North America; And Mr Victor DeHam, head of Office in the Ministry
of the Interior residing at Uccle, being resolved to devote to the carrying
of such an undertaking his special knowledge, personal services and those of
his family;
It was agreed between them that: Mr Victor DeHam undertakes to fulfil the following conditions:
A.
Settle with his family to St. Mary, Elk County, Pennsylvania, where he will
annually establish and for three consecutive years, from 1849, fifty
inhabitants of Flanders, divided into families of four or five people and
each of them comprising at least one adult in the prime of age. At the time
of boarding in Antwerp, emigrants shall be valid, healthy and well. They
will be provided with certificates of good character and have not suffered
criminal convictions or corrections.
If, during these three years the emigrants would have faithfully fulfilled
their obligations to the Sr DeHam, obligations which are specified below, he
agrees to receive and to establish at St Mary’s, during each of the next
five years, a minimum of fifty poor either sent directly by the
Belgian Government, or, with it’s approval, by municipalities in Flanders.
As a result of the foregoing commitment,
B. Mr DeHam is responsible for:
1. the costs of travel and food for the emigrants from Philadelphia or New
York to St. Mary.
2. to provide each householder a lot of wooded land twenty-five acres from
which he’ll reserves on twenty acres, as they will be felled by the
emigrants, trees other than maple, whose diameter is at least one and a half
feet.
3. to provide each family head, scrap metal, nails, doors, frames, windows,
shingles, boards, bricks, lime, necessary for the construction of a log
house twenty feet in front and sixteen in deep.
4. to provide each householder with furniture and agricultural implements
listed in the attached appendix[11],
a cow and a pig.
5. to provide to each head of family sowing seed needed for three acres of
land.
6. to provide the settlers the necessary food needed until harvest time
following their arrival.
Immigrants will be required to reimburse the advances made by Mr DeHam in implementing the commitments given in No. 1 to 6 inclusive.
This
reimbursement will be, (1)as to the cost of transportation and food from New
York to St. Mary, of the amount stated by Mr DeHam, (2)about the twenty-five
acres of land at two dollars per acre for the immigrants arriving in 1849
and fifteen cents more per year for those who will be sent to St. Mary in
performance of this contract in subsequent years, and for (3-6)other objects
at the price prevailing in the community.
The settlers will clear themselves from Mr DeHam, half in days work on a
basis of two days per week valued at two francs per day, half in cash or in
grain at market value. Will only be accepted at a price of two francs per
day, only adults, robust and healthy. Repayment of the part due in cash or
food will take place annually per quarter starting in the third year after
the time of the arrival of the emigrant Ste Marie.
C. Mr DeHam undertakes to ensure at all times the welfare of emigrants, to assist them with its advice to facilitate their relations with the inhabitants of the country, to protect them with is influence.
D. Mr DeHam agrees to make every effort to build a church or chapel in the middle of the colony and to this end he commit himself to freely furnish a place and timber necessary for the construction of a church or chapel and a wooden parsonage. The remainder of the cost will be covered by registrations in Belgium and the United States.
E. Mr DeHam agrees to take with the Redemptorist order or any other religious community, arrangements for a priest, speaking Flemish, to be permanently attached to the service of the church of the colony. He also commit himself to provide to the needs of the Church and the priest a grant of two hundred and fifty acres of land.
F. Mr DeHam waives the position he held at the Ministry of Interior and any compensation other than that designated below. His treatment will cease running the month following the date of his departure for the United States.
For its part, the Minister shall:
A. give free passage, including food, from Antwerp to Philadelphia or New York for three consecutive years from 1849, for fifty colonists per year, divided into families of four to five people.
B. put at the disposal of Mr DeHam fifty five thousand franks, payable as follow, namely, fifteen thousand francs in the fortnight of the signing of this contract, fifteen thousand franks at the time of departure of the first fifty emigrants, fifteen thousand francs when a letter from the local authority at St Mary’s announced and certified the Consul General of Belgium in New York of the arrival at St. Mary of these emigrants, and the remaining ten thousand francs in the month of January 1850.
In addition, if the result of the investigation that the Minister of the Interior reserves to make on the spot in the summer of 1850, that this beginning of emigration provides satisfactory results, a further subsidy fifteen thousand francs will be immediately available to Mr DeHam.
From the amounts pre-mentioned, twenty-five thousand francs will be granted to Mr DeHam as travel allowance and as an incentive bonus for the implementation of this attempt at colonization of Flemish farmers, the surplus will be refunded by Sr DeHam annually by quarters, from the year 1854.
Mr DeHam will affect as to guarantee his repayment a formal act including his establishments, homes, farms and outbuildings at Ste Marie, a mechanical sawmill, a flour mill and finally an area of four thousand acres of land.
Every three months, Sr DeHam will send to the Minister of the Interior an Account of its operations.
Made in good faith and on the twenty 8 July eighteen hundred and forty nine. The Minister of the Interior Ch Rogier , V. DeHam .
Approved to be annexed to Our Order of August 4, 1849, Leopold For the King, the Minister of the Interior Ch Rogier
What was really asked from DeHam ?
I’ll try here to put how much it will cost him ( With 1 $ for 5 Franks ):
From New York to the settlement: 12 $ x 50 |
$ 600 |
To take care of families of 4
to 5 people, to say, 10 to 12 families. Beaulieu in his note
estimated those costs at about $400 per family the first year, I’ll
take that for granted and covering the point B. of the
contract, it’s also what he wrote to Father Heilig. Note: DeHam will also have to find that sum for the following years when new settlers will be sent to him. |
$ 4800 |
Buy land, four thousand acres,
as a guarantee for the loan of money by the government. It seems the
land was sold at about $ 2 per acre as proposed by Beleke. A little
more perhaps as Victor DeHam wrote having bought 2000 acres at the
begin of 1850 for 4,932$50c. A 1854 note in the files says they were
bought at 2,25 $ So, for the 4000 acres I assume they were bought, adding the fees, at (rounded): |
$ 10000 |
It is also spoken of building a mechanical sawmill, a flour mill (6,000 – 7,000 franks, estimation 1853) |
$ 1200 |
What will be given/loaned to DeHam ?
In 1849, to
start the project: 30,000 Franks before departing and 15,000 more when at St Mary’s |
|
At the begin of 1850: 10,000 Franks |
$ 2000 |
In the summer of 1850: 15,000 Franks |
$ 3000 |
Total 75,000 franks |
$ 14000 |
In 1851, 15,000 Franks if the things are going well |
$ 3000 |
How will he reimburse himself and the
Belgian government ?
Each of the 2000 acres will be paid by annuities of $1000 as I deduct from
the letters exchanged between DeHam and other peoples. The first annuity
for the first 2000 acres was surely paid in 1849 when DeHam went to settle
at New Flanders. When the emigrants reached New Flanders, a house was
already built and occupied by DeHam family. As the emigrants settled in
January 1850, I’ll put all the first expenses in that year, knowing that
already a good part was spent in 1849 for DeHam house and bringing the
settlers on the spot. The scheme bellow I built following the terms of the
contract:
|
|
Expenses: |
Left: |
1850 |
second annuity for 2000 acres |
$ 1000 |
|
1851 |
third annuity for 2000 acres |
$ 1000 |
$ 4200 |
1852 |
Last (fourth) annuity for 2000
acres |
$ 1000 |
|
1853 |
Last (fourth) annuity for 2000 more acres |
$ 1000 |
-$ 6600 |
1854 |
DeHam will begin to reimburse by quarters $ 12000 of the $ 17000 loaned from the Belgian government |
4 x $ 3000 |
|
That’s the theory, rather my theory as I’m missing a lot of elements to ascertain such a scheme. In 1851, the Belgian government would have to send to DeHam the $ 3000 promised and send anew 50 settlers. More, if DeHam was to fulfill the points B1 to B6 of the contract for the new settlers, he would be left in debts after paying the annuities for the land as soon as 1852. And for the following years, DeHam would have to find a lot of means of income to be able to face the expenses theoretically involved by that contract. Where would he able to find such money ? It is said: the settlers will begin to pay back DeHam… but it’s theory!
And the settlers?
Only speaking of those first
settlers, as poor people, those families will begin with nothing except an
imposed debt: transport from Philadelphia to St Mary’s, furniture for one
year estimated at $400, 25 acres of land for $50. With the unexpected,
to say about $500.
They can pay back DeHam by working 2 days per week: 100 days per year at 2
franks, to say about a virtual $40 per year from the first year. If they can
sell their crops, anew $40 per year beginning in 1853. They would be
in debt with DeHam for 10 years at least.
A last word: 25 acres per family and 4000 acres bought, so about 160
families are expected coming, to say: 600 to 800 people in 8 years. A better
explanation that the “guarantee” asked by the government and more fitting
with the basic scheme of sending paupers.
On board the Lorena.
The September 8, 50 emigrants boarded the Lorena at Antwerp for New York. Les accompagnent, un chirurgien de l'armée, le Dr Reiss alors que Victor DeHam et sa famille s'embarquent au Havre, sur le steamer Hermann à destination de Southampton. Accompanying them, an army surgeon, Dr. Reiss while Victor DeHam and his family sailed to Le Havre on the steamer Hermann to Southampton. No trace of the arrival of DeHam and his family in America but a letter from Bonaventure Cartuyvels to Ignatius Garner dated Philadelphia September 19 said “Mr DeHam went the day before yesterday (17 September) with his family for the colony. He will arrive in 4 or 5 days and propose to ask you to stay at your house while awaiting its own house to be ready”. Les notes conservées aux AMAE ne sont pas très claires à ce sujet, mais il semble que DeHam ai précédé les colons aux Etats-Unis.At the end of October, he already was lodging in St Mary’s, waiting for his house to be ready.
The departure of the colonists was commented in the Belgian newspapers: "Sans vouloir attribuer à l'émigration une portée trop grande comme moyen de soulager le paupérisme dans les Flandres, le gouvernement s'est décidé à encourager un essai d'émigration aux Etats-Unis. M. de Ham, chef de bureau au ministère de l'intérieur, qui s'est rendu l'année dernière en Amérique, pour y étudier la question de l'émigration et qui va s'y fixer avec sa famille, est appelé à diriger cet essai, qui se fait d'ailleurs sur une échelle fort restreinte. C'est à Sainte-Marie, dans la Pensylvanie, que les émigrants flamands vont se rendre. La similitude du climat et de la culture, le bas prix des vivres et des aliments, paraissent offrir des garanties sérieuses pour le succès de l'entreprise. "Without attributed to the overly high emigration as a means of relieving pauperism in Flanders, the government has decided to encourage testing emigration to the United States. Mr. DeHam, head office in the Ministry of Interior, who visited America last year, to study the question of emigration and will fix his family there is called to conduct this test, which is also on a very limited scale. It is at Saint Mary’s, in Pennsylvania, the Flemish emigrants will travel. Similarity in climate and culture, food and cheap food seem to offer strong guarantees for the success of the company. Un premier transport de cinquante à soixante émigrants flamands va s'effectuer par le navire Lorena, qui met à voile aujourd'hui même. A first shipment of fifty to sixty Flemish emigrants will be made by the ship Lorena, who is sailing today. Le gouvernement a pris toutes les précautions nécessaires pour que les émigrants fussent soignés convenablement pendant la traversée. The government has taken all necessary precautions to ensure that the emigrants were properly cared for during the voyage. M. Stevens, secrétaire général du ministère de l'intérieur, s'est rendu jeudi à Anvers, pour assister à l'embarquement des colons et s'assurer par lui-même de l'accomplissement des mesures prescrites. Mr. Stevens, general secretary of the Ministry of the Interior, visited Antwerp on Thursday to attend to the boarding settlers and ensure by himself the fulfillment of all requirements. Un médecin de la marine de l'Etat, le docteur Reiss, accompagne l'expédition jusqu'à destination. A Navy doctor of the State, Dr. Reiss, is accompanying the shipment to destination.”
Dr Reiss report and the book[12] he wrote following that trip to New-York, gives a good relationship of that trip who took three months, a very lengthy one, twice the time usually devoted for such a trip. Reiss report, as the reports coming from DeHam, is in bad shape, for the same reason to say part of the ink having been washed away. I have combined them to put a story as accurate as possible. Never in his book, Dr Reiss spoke of the Flemish immigrants, only of the “German” immigrants as on board the Lorena was also a group of about 180 of them.
...-…
An unexpected circumstance forced me to embark in Antwerp to New York aboard a ship that had nearly 200 steerage passengers, almost all German emigrants. Maybe I will not be giving a succinct account of the life and adventures of the sea, and the host is made in America with emigrants. Our ship belonged to the port of New York. The captain, the first mate and the carpenter were white foam. The second lieutenant and the rest of the crew were black or mulatto legitimately free or fugitive slaves, some of the islands of Haiti. The company of the first cabin consisted of a German forester and his lady, a remarkable Hungarian born singer, a young Belgian sculptor and narrator.
The inhabitants of the decks formed a variety of groups. There were few families of a certain ease, miners who went to the coal and iron mines of Pennsylvania and Ohio, butchers, brewers, manufacturers of leather gloves. Other families, composed of poor farmers had left Württemberg through a government relief. But the great mass of emigrants consisted of young people of both sexes who met there, mostly by chance. Beside the young student and committed dealer we saw workers from different states, and simple daily farmers. Many of these young people were political refugees, veterans of Baden and Rhenish Bavaria. The girls were usually servants, known in America by siblings. Some couples who were household together, however, were not married before leaving, because the wedding formalities are much less expensive in America. There was therefore profit reuse.
Headed September 8, 1849 from Antwerp, the next day we were in the harbor of Vlissingen. A change of wind came and we have to stop here, and our forced stay lasted until the 16 of the same month. Difficulties inseparable from the trip began for emigrants. Distribution of food and cooking, these are grave and serious causes of unrest and suffering. Note that many families were burdened with children of a very young age, and were hearing no response to meet their urgent needs. Imagine tender mothers in tears unable to care for these little cherished beings. I was the only one able to act as an interpreter between the officers, crew and emigrants. I was always helpful, but as it was impossible to give everyone what he wanted, it was the interpreter was soon suspected of bias.
Baggages, in the rush of loading, were unfortunately not arranged in order. So it was a challenge to find amongst the boxes and bags without number, the right number and mark of any passenger claiming for provision of choice put in reserve, before it was spoiled. It is not just that, but the place in the kitchen is very small. Children certainly need to be provided first, but we not always finds enough selfless among young people willing to abuse power. There were quarrels and endless complaints. At sea a new cause of suffering was the result from irregular distribution or lack of fresh water, because without water there is no way to cook.
To avenge those alleged injustices, some stupid people attacked the ship, cutting main ropes, and thus put the salvation of all in danger. An active surveillance was established, and a severe speech was required, who brought new murmurs against the interpreter. [Reiss also went to visit Flessingue and Middleburg with other cabin passengers].
Back to the ship, we learned the news of a birth on board. For the poor woman who gave birth, the headwind that kept us there was therefore a fortunate circumstance. The day after the child was taken to Flushing to be baptized. As parents were Lutherans, Calvinists priests as well as Catholic priests rose major objections, and the poor little boy was tossed in religion before being tossed at sea.
The16 in the morning a favorable breeze allowed the ship to sail and in the evening we saw Calais. The sea became rough, so most of the passengers were seasick and few women were seen on the deck or in the kitchen, the men were forced to momentarily take on housekeeping.
On the 18, a frightening calamity threatened us. Members of the family of the glove manufacturer were with a very weak constitution. Having spent some time in Antwerp where cholera prevailed, they had won the disposition to cholera and roll of the ship was breaking them in the symptoms of plague, next to seasickness symptoms. From the four individuals, three were healed, the fourth died in a short time. It was a deaf and dumb boy aged 11. Fortunately that evil extended no further.
The twenty in the morning, the breeze was strong, the sea was rough and the ship's masts strained considerably. Suddenly the main mast broke with a crash, yards and sails falling on deck, pulleys flying in all directions. Terror seized the passengers arriving in crowds on the bridge. The captain hastened to give orders to clear the bridge, and to repair the damage. This accident, however, alone, was not likely to stop our race and make us lose the benefits of a good breeze. But alas! the worn structure of the ship, strained by the sea, no longer held together and water was leaking by the side walls, it filled the hold, wetting the bed of the passengers, this new problem was exasperating them.
Finally, the captain said that we needed to seek a port of refuge. To understand the gravity of this disastrous measure, we have only just to share some of its consequences for emigrants. Poor passengers, most of them, they were afraid at those unexpected charges of being forced for an unknown time in a the port of refuge, they feared the entire exhaustion of the small funds reserved for their first needs when arriving in America. Then with the winter months approaching and instead of a short crossing, they now would expect a long and arduous journey. When finally arriving in America they will find the channels made of ice, and the price of railways increased because of the winter. Also those poor people had great difficulty to accept the reality of the fact and convince themselves that they were actually heading to Ireland or England. Finally convinced in their mind they anger erupted with violence and reproaches were not spared in the conduct of masters and owners of bad vessels. Baden and Bavarian refugees formed a circle on the bridge around their speakers. They discussed with warmth and energy to a variety of measures and resolutions, which were only leading to nothing. Contracts passage were carefully examined and read and reread all the paragraphs dealing with the passage: money to be paid in advance, the need to be on board on time or lose its way, due obedience to officers, etc.., but they tried in vain on a paragraph on any potential compensation.
On the 24th, we were in sight of Ushant island [île d’Ouessant in French]. On the 25th, a furious storm swamped the ship and threatened to tear her in pieces. Finally, the 27 in the evening, with good weather and a beautiful moonlight, we dropped anchor in the harbor of Plymouth.
In Plymouth, technical committees said that the ship will not be condemned, but will be able continue his journey after his frame had been reinforced by a series of iron joints. Migrants were housed at the expense of land owners, who also undertake to replace the food consumed during the repair of the building. The cabin passengers could keep their board accommodation. This circumstance gaves us almost immediately the opportunity to enjoy our black crew, a little left to itself by the frequent absences of officers on board. These men were all good sailors, young and strong constitution. They were well treated and well fed. However, they began to give a lot of hassle and trouble, by their quarrels and battles. Remarkably, benefits and privileges enjoyed by the young second lieutenant, mulatto race, was the main cause of these grievances. Instead of being happy, relieved by the consideration that you just gave to the officer of their race, they were offended, claiming that this man is a black like them, nor should they be in any order or way be treated better. It is true that the lieutenant was defended by the most reasonable of them. Furious battles resulted. With these disorders subsided as much as possible; our audience was eagerly sought by young emigrants, for their correspondence with their families. Simple peasant knew how expressing their feelings in noble letters addressed to their fathers and mothers with consolations and touching and warm protestations of devotion. It was even more striking read the responses from the poor abandoned parents. Their fervent wishes for the happiness of their children, were mingled with bitter expressions of regret and pain that tore reading the hearts of the poor children for hours and drowned their eyes in tears. The least unhappy with the responses received some small relief money.
|
Plymouth contains bankers, merchants and ship-owners. But the business of this port is not very significant. Rather it is a port of refuge and an intermediate station for steamers between Cork and London.
As we finished our worth as much as possible forced stay in this beautiful country carpenters, blacksmiths, caulkers worked diligently to make the ship fit to resume sea. The first half of October was so spent. They began to make preparations for departure. New food and fuel were loaded and our emigrants returned to the ship. These passengers were treated very well by the popular classes with which they were connected. Young refugees boasted of their success with the fairer sex. German girls had learned a little English. All had also benefited from phenomenaly cheap fruit and excellent sea fish, whom sale was accidentally difficult because of the imminence of cholera. Finally on October 19 in the morning we made our farewells to Plymouth and with a heavy heart, we headed back to the distant west.
On board, good understanding was very short lived. The lack of foresight and, perhaps, the lack of willingness of the captain to take to heart the interests of the steerage passengers had much to do. As the sun began to set very early, emigrants demanded the lighting of the steerage, which they were entitled. But the time and duration of the lighting were not expressed in the contract, there some quibble. So 200 people, women and little children where kept in the dark, which prevented them from doing anything. Also from time to time it was the steerage resounded with the accent of rage, cries of light, uttered in unison by 200 people and shaking the decks.
November 5, officers noticed on the deck an individual they believed to view for the first time. Arrested, the passenger assured coming with us from Antwerp. Indeed he was right, he only embarked secretly and had always kept in the shade. As .S. laws severely punish the captains for introducing undeclared emigrants on the boarding list, our new acquaintance was therefore added as a postscript on the list, and obliged to help the sailors for the payment of passage. This discovery completely accidental, gave rise for a few days, to violent quarrels among the Germans, who insisted assign it to a traitor denunciation.
On November 8, we saw the Azores Islands. It was a great joy for emigrants, because one of them was carrying a letter, in which a friend told him coming to New York ten days after seeing the Azores. Speed of ships, variability of wind etc., none of all these little elements entered in the calculation of these thoughtless people, so they were convinced that the captain should lead them in ten days from the Azores to New York. The hope of our passengers was cruelly disappointed, because we still had forty-two days at sea before us.
The sufferings of the emigrants became really incredible. First the ship, despite its repair was in very poor condition. Beddings in the steerage were constantly wet. The food began to spoil and became scarce. The fuel to keep the fire in the kitchen was exhausted and, in despair, walls and furniture were breaked and demolished to get firewood. But what is most distressing was the scourge of vermin, which had seized the steerage.
Among the passengers was the wife of a French worker, with three children. The woman, who initially consented, because of her pregnancy, to stay back, had suddenly decided to join her husband who shipped to Antwerp for America. She arrived in Antwerp, but her husband had left the day before. So she took her children to move with us. After leaving Plymouth, this woman was soon unable, because of seasickness and because of her advanced pregnancy to do anything for her or her children. Its German neighbors not understanding her language and being quite busy with themselves, were, it is true, somewhat to his rescue. But soon we noticed the dedication and tireless work of the eldest child, a little girl of eleven years. At the distribution of food and water, as well as the kitchen, when all was eager disorder and discord, the ranks opened spontaneously when this weak little creature approached. We willingly gave her more than her share, and this general benevolence towards her never wavered until the end of the trip.
December 13, our captain hailed a U.S. ship and bought supplies and fuel, as well as for the cabin decks. Finally on December 18th we saw land from the mast. The next morning, the pilot came on board. The passengers were all on deck. All eyes were directed to crazy heights that saw the horizon. But breeze was low, we advanced slowly. In the afternoon the steamer tug were in an annoying way all around us, finally, after much debate, one of them got down to the ship. Three cheers hailed this happy event, and the sun was just lying, as we entered the middle of the merchant fleet, which in serried ranks, along the docks of New York.
...-…"(Indépendance)"
Le Lorena arriva à New-York le 19 décembre. The Lorena arrived in New York on December 19. Le docteur (chirurgien-major) Reiss , qui devait accompagner les colons jusqu'à destination, les quitta à Philadelphie et revint à New York le 26 décembre. The doctor (surgeon) Reiss, who was to accompany the settlers to their destination went to Philadelphia but returned to New York on 26 December. Le consul général Moxhet dut l'inviter à rejoindre les émigrants pour les conduire à Sainte-Marie et lui avança même l'argent pour le faire. Consul General Moxhet invited him to join back the emigrants and go with them to Saint Mary’s and even advanced him money to do so. Reiss repartit pour la colonie le lendemain. Reiss returned to the colony the following day. A medical report was sent in Belgium. I suppose a first one was sent when the ship was put in repairs at Plymouth as this one is covering the events from that place, but I found no trace of it. Like the other papers, this one was also partially washed but this one very heavily and a lot of information is missing but, thanks to Reiss, more understandable after having read the tale in his book.
Mr. the Minister
According to the dispatch of August 29, 1849, the undersigned is pleased to announce the arrival of the Flemish convoy to New York, December 19, 1849 and transmits concise account of the journey of the Lorena from October 19, the day off from Plymouth (England).
Here [...] on account of the duration of the voyage, first [succession] of calm, fog and winds, the [...] disrepair state of the ship, which did not allow [...] the desired amount of sails, when the breeze was good but a little strong, then after the wind had ripped off a few sails, the absolute lack of the means to progress in the absence of steam. With no canvas on board to repair the torn sails, we used bags potatoes, and with compelling needs, many farm bags owned by Mr. DeHam.
The iron joins from Plymouth had given way. The ship caulked joints disjointed anew and new water has flowed more and more on the steerage passengers. Their bedding and belongings are rotten, and [parts of the ship] worked so loose.. we had to reinforce them by strong support girders Fortunately we had not to bear up against storm. A very disturbing consequence [...] general shortage [...] oil light [...]
The food shipped to Antwerp for [...]
nearly consumed in a month. Here's why:
1) meat and butter [...]
2) The farinaceous [...] would have sufficed, but some potatoes [...]
Cooked peas do not [...] remained biscuit, rice, barley, that could not
alone suffice.
Therefore, the captain was [compelled] to start too quickly the provisions
purchased [...] against all odds, we still had two months [...] the vermin
came. On December 13, we met a ship from Boston. Captain hailed her and he
bought a quantity of meat and biscuit.
The cabin and the crew both suffered from the vermin like the emigrants and the last two weeks of the trip threatened to give me a serious gastritis. These evils were joined by a strong lack of fuel in the kitchen. Weak women and children had to settle for days on biscuit, which caused many cries and tears and leading to breaking the wooden bed, walls and [...] passengers all arrived here [... ]
[...] the trip an outbreak of diarrhea
announced by [...] and accompanied by colic [...] and [...] in the legs was
a concern but it yielded to bismuth and dry heat.
[...] frequent catarrhal inflammation [...]result of moisture of the
steerage. [...] Syphilitic infections, including serious enough [...]
following the departure of Plymouth
[...] injuries and bruises due to falling body [...] took place.
[...] giving births.
[...]Flemish child Dobbels, 10 years old, is suffering from serious
ulcers, due to illness of the tibia bone [...] parents had hidden that until
the last days of the crossing when the child was taken with severe pain
which were fortunately countered by poultices opiates. A large part of
families Coucke and Verbecke were weakened by scrofula.
I take the liberty, Sir, to annex to this report, a note containing the
project of regulation, having to make less painful the stay on board for
steerage passengers.
Accept Sir, the expression of the deepest respect from your humble servant ,
Dr. Reiss
The consul added: ... the general health of these migrants is satisfactory, despite the privations and hardships they had to endure for such a long journey. There has not been a single case of death, which is quite rare. They all came up to New York, took their leave on the 23 current, heading towards their destination along with Dr. Reiss.
The passengers of the Lorena.
Two sources give the
names of the Belgian emigrants sent to New Flanders by the Lorena. In
1852, a report by Mr De Man d’Attenrode titled:
House
of Representatives. Account, to
the use of extraordinary
credit of 1,000,000 francs
open to the Department of the
Interior by the Act of
June 21, 1849
who was comprising the DeHam essay of colonization at New Flanders as well
as the one attempted at Kansas City, Missouri and some people sent to New
Brabant, near St Mary’s by Louis Cartuyvels. The other source is the
Lorena manifest.
The de Man D’Attenrode paper is printed paper and the names are not
always very accurate, some differs considerably from the ship manifest and
as we can see from 1850 census.
Note: two other people on the Lorena were listed as Belgians:
Bernard de Groot (maybe de Greef) and
Jos Wamberg
tailors from Antwerp.
from De Man d’Attenrode |
Lorena manifest |
In the 1850 Elk census |
||||||||
N° |
Name |
|
Living at |
N° |
Name |
|
|
|||
01 |
Houcke |
Charles |
44 |
Waecken |
85 |
Coucke |
Charles |
44 |
Charles |
Cauke |
02 |
Houcke |
Françoise |
44 |
Waecken |
86 |
Coucke |
Françoise |
44 |
Francisco |
Cauke |
03 |
Houcke |
Soo |
19 |
Waecken |
87 |
Coucke |
Ivo |
19 |
Eve |
Cauke |
04 |
Houcke |
Léonard |
11 |
Waecken |
88 |
Coucke |
Leonard |
11 |
Leo |
Cauke |
05 |
Houcke |
Philomène |
6 |
Waecken |
89 |
Coucke |
Philomène |
6 |
Philomena |
Cauke |
06 |
de Mey |
Léon |
35 |
Waecken |
90 |
De Mey |
Leo |
35 |
Leo |
Demey |
07 |
de Mey |
Sophie |
30 |
Waecken |
91 |
De Mey |
Sophie |
30 |
Sophia |
Demey |
08 |
Ghyselem |
Charles |
27 |
Waecken |
92 |
Ghyselen |
Charles |
27 |
Carl |
Hazle/Ghyselem |
09 |
Ghyselem |
Ange |
26 |
Waecken |
93 |
Ghyselen |
Ange |
26 |
Luce/Ange |
Hazle/Ghyselem |
10 |
Verheust |
Bernard |
36 |
Waecken |
94 |
Verheust |
Bernard |
36 |
No further trace |
|
11 |
Dobbels |
Frédérick |
54 |
Waecken |
95 |
Dobbels |
Frederick |
54 |
Frederick |
Dobbels |
12 |
Vanhaverbeck |
Ch. |
47 |
Waecken |
96 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Charles |
47 |
Charles |
Vanhaverbeke |
13 |
Mortier |
Amélie |
48 |
Waecken |
97 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Amelie |
48 |
Amelia |
Vanhaverbeke |
14 |
Vanhaverbeek |
Constant |
21 |
Waecken |
98 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Constant |
21 |
Constant |
Vanhaverbeke |
15 |
Vanhaverbeek |
Henriette |
19 |
Waecken |
99 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Henriette |
19 |
Harriett |
Vanhaverbeke |
16 |
Vanhaverbeek |
Marie-Thérèse |
17 |
Waecken |
100 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Marie |
17 |
Listed in the 1860 census |
|
17 |
Vanhaverbeek |
Cordule |
15 |
Waecken |
101 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Cordule |
15 |
Cordeela |
Vanhaverbeke |
18 |
Vanhaverbeek |
Marie-Louise |
12 |
Waecken |
102 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Louise |
11 |
Marie |
Vanhaverbeke |
19 |
Vanhaverbeek |
Ferdinand |
10 |
Waecken |
103 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Ferdinand |
10 |
Fernand |
Vanhaverbeke |
20 |
Vanhaverbeek |
Philomène |
5 |
Waecken |
104 |
Vanhaverbecke |
Philomène |
5 |
Philomena |
Vanhaverbeke |
21 |
Ventaer |
Charles |
44 |
Waecken |
105 |
Vintaer |
Charles |
44 |
Charles |
Vintaer |
22 |
Dobbels |
Pierre |
45 |
Waecken |
106 |
Dobbels |
Pierre |
45 |
Petrus |
Dobbels |
23 |
Dobbels |
Julie |
38 |
Waecken |
107 |
Dobbels |
Julie |
38 |
Julia |
Dobbels |
24 |
Dobbels |
Eugénie |
16 |
Waecken |
108 |
Dobbels |
Eugénie |
16 |
Eugenie |
Dobbels |
25 |
Dobbels |
Françoise |
14 |
Waecken |
109 |
Dobbels |
Francois |
14 |
Francis |
Dobbels |
26 |
Dobbels |
Jean |
12 |
Waecken |
110 |
Dobbels |
Jean |
11 |
John |
Dobbels |
27 |
Dobbels |
Marie-Louise |
9 |
Waecken |
111 |
Dobbels |
Marie |
9 |
Louisa |
Dobbels |
28 |
Dobbels |
Henri |
8 |
Waecken |
112 |
Dobbels |
Henry |
7 |
Henry |
Dobbels |
29 |
Dobbels |
Sophie |
6 |
Waecken |
113 |
Dobbels |
Sophie |
5 |
Sophia |
Dobbels |
30 |
Dobbels |
Constant |
17½ |
Waecken |
114 |
Dobbels |
Constant |
1/2 |
Constantine |
Dobbels |
31 |
D'hoene |
Salomon |
41 |
Waecken |
115 |
D’hane |
Salomon |
41 |
Solomon |
Dhaenens |
32 |
De Tamder |
Gilles |
44 |
Waecken |
116 |
De Cauwer |
Gilles |
44 |
Gillis |
DeCawere |
33 |
Oesselaer |
Jacques |
58 |
Waecken |
117 |
Osselar |
Jacques |
58 |
Jacob |
Osselaire |
34 |
Oesselaer |
Thérèse |
50 |
Waecken |
118 |
Osselar |
Mary |
50 |
Mary |
Osselaire |
35 |
Oesselaer |
Bernard |
28 |
Waecken |
119 |
Osselar |
Bernard |
28 |
Bernhart |
Osler |
36 |
Oesselaer |
Jean |
20 |
Waecken |
120 |
Osselar |
Jean |
20 |
John |
Osselaire |
37 |
Oesselaer |
Rosalie |
18 |
Waecken |
121 |
Osselar |
Rosalie |
18 |
Rosella |
Osler |
38 |
Verotaen |
Bernard |
20 |
Waecken |
122 |
Verstaen |
Bernard |
26 |
Bernard |
Ferstain |
39 |
Vandenbroeck |
Frédérick |
21 |
Waecken |
123 |
Vandenbroek |
Fréderic |
21 |
Frederick |
Vandebrocke |
40 |
Verbeeck |
Charles |
50 |
Meulebeke |
124 |
Verbeeke |
Charles |
50 |
Charles |
Ferbeke |
41 |
Verbeeck |
Eulalie |
45 |
Meulebeke |
125 |
Verbeeke |
Eulalie |
45 |
Rosalie |
Ferbeke |
42 |
Verbeeck |
Adolphe |
20 |
Meulebeke |
126 |
Verbeeke |
Adolphe |
20 |
Adolphus |
Ferbeke |
43 |
Verbeeck |
Gustave |
17 |
Meulebeke |
127 |
Verbeeke |
Gustave |
17 |
Gustave |
Ferbeke |
44 |
Verbeeck |
Mathilde |
15 |
Meulebeke |
128 |
Verbeeke |
Mathilde |
15 |
Matilda |
Ferbeke |
45 |
Verbeeck |
Mélanie |
13½ |
Meulebeke |
129 |
Verbeeke |
Melanie |
13 |
Melanie |
Ferbeke |
46 |
Verbeeck |
Henri |
12½ |
Meulebeke |
130 |
Verbeeke |
Henri |
12 |
Henry |
Ferbeke |
47 |
Verbeeck |
Adélia-Marie |
4 m |
Meulebeke |
134 |
Verbeeke |
Adelia |
1/3 |
? |
|
48 |
Verbeeck |
Victor |
7½ |
Meulebeke |
131 |
Verbeeke |
Victor |
7 |
Victor |
Ferbeke |
49 |
Verbeeck |
Félix |
5 |
Meulebeke |
133 |
Verbeeke |
Felix |
5 |
Felix |
Ferbeke |
50 |
Bonte |
François |
52 |
Engemunster |
135 |
Baert |
François |
52 |
Francis |
Bonte |
51 |
Bonte |
Colette |
51 |
Engemunster |
136 |
Baert |
Colette |
55 |
Collette |
Bonte |
52 |
Baert |
Joseph |
45 |
Waereghem |
137 |
Baert |
Joseph |
45 |
Joseph |
Bard |
53 |
Baert |
Julie |
13 |
Waereghem |
138 |
Baert |
Julie |
13 |
Rosella |
Bard |
54 |
Baert |
Frédérick |
9 |
Waereghem |
139 |
Baert |
Fréderic |
9 |
Frederick |
Bard |
55 |
Baert |
Ursule |
5 |
Waereghem |
140 |
Baert |
Ursela |
5 |
Eslau |
Bard |
56 |
Baert |
Joh. Batiste |
4 |
Plasschendael |
141 |
Baert |
Jean Baptiste |
3 |
? |
|
57 |
Van Peteghem |
Louis |
26 |
Plasschendael |
142 |
Van Peteghem |
Louis |
24 |
Luce |
Vompetecam |
58 |
Van Peteghem |
Mélanie |
24 |
Plasschendael |
143 |
Van Peteghem |
Melanie |
24 |
Molle |
Vompetecam |
59 |
de Mey |
Jean |
33 |
Plasschendael |
132 |
De Mey |
Jean |
33 |
No further trace |
Karel Denis, a Belgian living in the States, gives an explanation why so much people were from Wakken:”That 39 of the 59 were from Wakken may be explained for the fact that in the spring of 1849 Charles Vintaer from Wakken, together with A. Duvivier from Zwevezele had sent petitions to Minister Rogier and J. F. Tousaint, representative from Tielt, ‘on behalf of many residents’ to obtain free transportation to America”.
In the same issue of “Flemish American Heritage”[13], Theodore V. Cook, a descent of the Coucke [1-5] family add: “I corresponded with people in Wakken who were kind enough to forward additional information to me from their town records. Their archives show that this group had originally planned to immigrate to Brazil but that did not materialize”.
Actual map and actual spelling of the
location of the emigrant’s villages in Belgium
(Michelin)
De Man D'Attenrode
Jean, Marie, Joseph, born in 1801 in Brussels, died in 1879 at
Hoeilaart. Catholic. Elected by the borough of Saint-Nicolas from
1833 to 1835 and that of Louvain from 1836 to 1863. He contributed to the writing and the success of the petition in 1829 addressed to the Dutchs, in favor of freedom of education. This manifestation of public opinion became general, and was one of the acts who prepared the fall of the Dutch government in Belgium. Secretary of the Chamber during the sessions of 1843 to 1847, he was part of the Standing Committee on Finance and its Accounting for several years. When, in 1848 and 1849, the Parliament gave three million to the Department of the Interior because of the contingencies of the political and industrial crisis of the era, the difficult task to verify the use of these funds was entrusted to him. |
|
|
Karel Denys,
born in Roeselare, Belgium, 25 July 1920, joined the international
missionary institute of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (CICM) at
Scheut-Brussels in 1938. He was ordained a priest in 1944 and left
for Peking, China, in 1947. The dangerous political situation in
China caused him to be sent to the USA in 1948 where he served in
parishes in northern Virginia, Philadelphia and central Louisiana.
He became pastor of our Lady of Sorrows, the “Belgian Church” in
Detroit in 1973. Father Denys was involved in the ethnic activities
of the Flemish-American community in greater Detroit and waseditor
of the “Gazette van Detroit” – known as the ‘only Belgian Newspaper
in America’ – from 1982 to 1996. He also was a co-founder of the
Genealogical Society of Flemish Americans. Karel presently resides
at the headquarters of the CICM at
Missionhurst in Arlington, Virginia where he is archivist of the
American province. |
1850 Elk County. Leopoldsburg, New Flanders, first year of the settlement of Belgian paupers.
In January 1850, the Consul General Moxhet received a certificate from the head of St. Mary Burgess noting the arrival of immigrants and a request to pay to DeHam:
- 10,000 franks (2,000 $) due, under the contract with the Government in January 1850.
- 15,000 franks (3,000 $), after sending a formal notice of the arrival of the emigrants to their destination. But before paying those 15,000 franks, the Minister asked the guarantee provided by the contract, by a formal act, on its establishment.
From the terms of the contract, DeHam was sent to America with $6,000 but curiously he was already with pending payment of about $ 2,000 ($ 1,834 86 c. exactly ) in January so, DeHam demanded an advance of $ 1,000 as a deposit. Theoretically, the only expense he would have endured would be the purchase of land but it seems only 2,000 acres were already bought with a first annuity of $ 1,000. I can only suppose of other expenses already done and paid to justify his lack of money so soon after his arrival: his house was already built, and surely paid. His expenses for traveling with his family, and the expenses occurred for the travel and food for the emigrants from Philadelphia were also spent. And surely food and material were already bought for the settlers as Van Eersel wrote in March “7 houses are already built”.
When Moxhet advanced him the money on February 1, Moxhet was worried that DeHam had not even signed a contract with the owners. DeHam passed a purchase contract on 18 February for 2,000 acres. These lands purchased for $ 4,932 and 50 c. were payable in four[14] payments, including an initial payment of $ 1000 scheduled for April 1. After discussion, the warranty who would have covered the houses, farms and outbuildings, a mechanical sawmill and a flour mill and four thousand acres of land, was reduced to a simple guarantee on the land. What also worried Moxhet was that the mortgage on the land would only be valid when the land would be paid in full.
The $ 1,834 86 c. were finally paid when the mortgage on the land was passed. But as DeHam had already received $ 1,000 as an advance from Moxhet, only the net was paid, to say $ 834 88 c. Nevertheless, aware of the financial difficulties of DeHam, the Minister of the Interior authorized the above scheduled payments in full, while regretting the privilege of sellers, who preserved their rights on 4000 acres of land until the full payment of the purchased land. Moxhet in March was ordered by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to pay the last 15,000 fr ($ 3,000) to DeHam.
Despite those financial difficulties, De Ham was optimistic about the future of the colony. As proof, he sent this letter to Belgium, responding to some critics regarding his colony:
New Flanders, Pennsylvania, United States of North America, 22 March 1850.
To the headmaster of the “Journal of Literary History” at Liege.
Sir,
In the delivery nr 190, p. 505, of your estimable journal, it has been said a few words concerningthe St. Mary Catholic colony, located in the State of Pennsylvania, North America. In this article, meant for the Belgian families who would be willing to emigrate to be fixed in Ste-Marie or near, your readers are informed that the Redemptorists have left the residence and it appears that the inhabitants of this locality are now deprived of any spiritual help, which constitute a fundamental objection against the choice of Ste-Marie, as the center of Flemish emigration. Also, I feel it my duty to let you know, for many Belgian families who feel inclined to follow the example of the sixty Flemish settlers who settled here recently that the Benedictines have immediately replaced the Redemptorists and three priests currently serve Ste-Marie and the neighboring colony of New Flanders.
I think I can afford to add to the tranquility of the Catholics who decide to join us, as driven by a desire to protect and grow the Catholic colonies of St. Mary and New Flanders, the Bishop at Pittsburgh was willing to take an interest in the association who founded the first
Let me add a few words about the Flemish emigrants which had been entrusted to my care. Set for two and a half months, the number of sixty to New Flanders, about three leagues from Ste-Marie, Flemish settlers there have been a chapel quia was inaugurated on the 10th of this month by two baptisms and where divine service was the same day was celebrated with all the pomp that included our means. The inauguration was marked also by the solemn blessing of the land and houses, which took place in repeated noise bursts of musketry. We also celebrated the feast of St. Joseph, patron of Belgium and of our new parish. The colony of New Flanders is made as to the spiritual.
As the details and especially the correction above may attract a number of Belgian families, You would oblige me, Sir, by kindly insert this in your closest issues.
Accept, I pray you, the expression of my highest consideration.
V. Ham, Director of the colony of New Flanders
The second public news coming from the arrival of the settlers are found in the Louis Cartuyvels book. A letter from Charles Wintaer [21][15] to Mr S. Wintaer, directeur de la linière at Helleme(Hellemmes, Frances) near Ryssel (Lille, France)
New Flanders, April 1, 1850
Dear brothers
and sisters
For this occasion I will let you know after a long and arduous journey that
we finally arrived on December 12 in New York, where Mr. Constant DeHam son
of our manager came to congratulate and regale us with tobacco, pipes and
whiskey. We spent 3 days in New York, where we were treated the American
way. Lunch is served at the table as dinner, except that the one given in
the morning is with coffee.
On December 31 we arrived at St Mary’s, where a good dinner was waiting for
us, and we went there on January 4 at New Flanders 8 miles off St Mary’s. We
found a house for Mr. DeHam and for us all. The upper part of the house is a
temporarily church. Dear brothers, you can not conceive how it is possible
to make such a house of God in the midst of virgin timber and away from
home, it is so beautiful you would think made by artists.
We have said from the beginning the Mass ...
Mr Abbot C[artuyvels] despite a
distance of 12 miles, came to say Mass here.
I can not tell you what piety reigned when sang for the first time the great
mass and he blesses us, and the whole colony. I was moved to tears. At the
opening of the chapel two Belgians children were baptized Mr. Gilis
Vancoovere[32], Me DeHam, Mr and Miss Felicia Constant
DeHam were Godfathers. Saint Joseph is the patron of our colony, that
day Mr C[artuyvels] came and sang Mass, probably the last he says here until
his return to Belgium.
As for the emigrants, we must praise them that they have worked with courage
and energy at their homes. Now everyone is busy clearing its 10 bonniers[16] of soil, so
that we have enough food for the Belgians who will come.... Those who say
they can not work be silent, because I am fully convinced now that those who
takes the begging bag(sic)
does it by laziness. My brothers and sisters, we are happy, and if you ever
have the chance to thank for us Mr the Minister, Mr Vandenberghe and Mr
Toussaint, we would be much obliged ...
Now a word from
our Director Mr DeHam. When we
were still in New York, he came to us to load us with kindnesses, he is
still doing that, so when there is something to do for him, it seems that
his commandments are prayers and in a wink he is obeyed by all the
colonists.
As for food, everything is here as in Belgium, except, however, that meat
costs only 3 cents per pound. We shot
three deer in one day ... the dog of a worker Sainte-Marie had also killed a
man ... kept the skin to noous and abandoned the rest.
If you could commit Augustus to
come here, there would be good business, the wood is plentiful and salary
very high ... The country is rugged ... he looks like around Ronse, and it
seems that the flax grows here, according to Mr Redant from Aalst, which
lives in St Mary’s ...
A pair of boots
costing us 21 franks ($ 4) here.
Your brother Ch.Wintaer
The official report from DeHam, reproduced below, is the second in a series of reports DeHam was supposed to send quarterly to the Minister of the Interior. The first, which should be dated March or April, did not find. The same for those following this one. The next one still only available at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs archives is dated January 1853. Like the other papers from the New Flanders file, this one is heavily stained and eaten by humidity, the ink washed away. Nevertheless, like the report of Dr Reiss concerning the passage on board the Lorena, the general meaning of the report is understandable. I have left the 8 pages of that report as they were written.
..... July 1, 1850 Minister ......, I have the honor to address you in accordance with one of the requirements of the contract of July 28, 1849 my second Quarterly Report this year on the state of the New Flanders colony. The spirit of resolution with which the colony had undertaken the difficult work of clearing a heavily wooded ground, is supported by most of the emigrants and took even as a new energy nearing the time of sowing. Here, Sir, the results that have been obtained
from 1 March. Each family is
cultivating two to three acres, more or less following the courage
displayed by each. Sowing consist primarily in potato |
[..] 35 acres [..] I only have [..] such a great [..] to fill that [..] in part, subsistence [..] second expedition of emigrants. In addition, twelve other acres, cleared, will receive in the fall winter seeds. The colony
having [..] its seeding work [..] will spend time till [..]
next, to expand the [..] clearings. Our fields have generally the
most beautiful appearance, given the hurry and the little care given
to [..] culture. Campaign is green under our [happy] eyes |
[..] plantations [..] on sowing [..] buckwheat, corn [..] vegetation [..] the emigrants till [..] the weather has been very favorable unless some setback that can strike unexpectedly any farmer, we can hope satisfactory crops. Each family is provided with a house, its furnishings, its instruments of culture. I’m going this week to buy a herd for the settlers. They continue to regularly receive the provisions I am committed providing to them until the time of harvest. In addition, I use from time to time at my own work, able-bodied men and pay their days at the rate of American wages. This money, spreading some ease in colony, is generally used in buying
clothes. |
[..] The confort[..] family [..] the following circumstances [..] this number to 41. During a [..] in last month of April, [..] Oesselaere, from Beernem, engaged himself in an assault against one of my son, my wife and him were nearly murdered, these people threatened to put to fire everywhere around the colony. Although these scenes of violence must be credited partly to the drunkenness state of all members this family, with the exception [..] sick, when I was back, I resolved to expulse them and Inform the authorities of the threats against us. Despite the repentance since testified more than one time by the perpetrators, I refused to take them back, first because 4 |
[..] heals [..] because the [..] both the selling [..] they maufactured [..] had completely [..] clearing their land would be able to support themselves. In expelling them, I gave them by humanity, some food for some days. Wages, earned by the son and the eldest daughter, from Americans will preserve the parents from misery. In addition, families Van Peteghem and Baert, composed of seven people, and 4 singles, to say Verheust, Vandenbroeke and the brothers Ghyselhem, have open they ears to the suggestions of some interested American owners surroundings us and one by one they have left New Flanders despite the contracts that bound them. Their recruiters promised them a house all prepared, 50 acres of land, food and high wages. I’m learning that 5 |
[..] [..] [..] [..] defectors [..] feeling [..] regret the colony where [..] paternally treated. Some are already asking to be [..] again. These defections caught me short of about $ 500 owed to me by these emigrants. The courage of the colonists remains generally good, but all are not endowed with equal energy, it is that their habit of begging is giving all continuous work hard to follow. The presence of a Flemish priest at New Flanders would be of the greater good. It would be very useful and despite all our efforts, we cannot [make up for] what we lack.
|
[..] we have from time [..] satisfaction of receiving [..] comes to fulfill the [..] but the difference [..] prevents him to preach. the number of people of the colony will reach a hundred, a minister will becomes indispensable. The health status of the colony is still very satisfactory. Health shine on all faces. I hope, Sir that you will not read those lines without interest or satisfaction and you’ll recognize that although of the limited time since its beginning (six months) the colony of New Flanders has done great work and not without happiness through the hardship of beginning a pioneer life. May this state of thing to continue. May the next crops meet our expectations and provide each 7 |
settler [..] This is [..] a [..] [..] mainly [..] and [..] Sincerely [..]
8 |
part of
Map of District n° 4, 1878 Elk
County, Pennsylvania
Library of Congress Geography and
Map Division Washington, D.C. 20540-4650 USA
It was said in the contract that “In addition, if the result of the investigation that the Minister of the Interior reserves to make on the spot in the summer of 1850, that this beginning of emigration provides satisfactory results, a further subsidy, fifteen thousand francs, will be immediately available to Mr DeHam”.
In June, DeHam already requested the help of the Government and compensation for "various losses he experienced" that he estimated at 15,000 fr. In that letter, DeHam gave the sense that if this compensation was not paid, he would not be able to accommodate a second group of emigrants that year. Following that letter, the Minister of the Interior, as it was agreed in the contract, wanted to know how the installation of the colony was going on before sending a second series of 50 migrants. So, the report sent in July by DeHam had not yet reached Brussels when the Minister of the Interior asked the Foreign Office to send a representative to inspect the U.S. Colony and inform him of the actual situation of the institution and the attached settlers.
A letter from Bonaventure Cartuyvels to Ignatius Garner dated May 2, 1850 gives a hint at the loses maybe experienced by DeHam : “A few days ago, two Americans came to the house of M. Scham, and said to him that this mountain of pine trees and a part of what he cleared wasn't divided with him, that Stokes sold this in time; Mr. Dekam told them that the first person who dared to touch a tree would be shot; to which they responded that there was justice in that!” So, all the
The Minister of the Interior, in response to requests for reimbursement of DeHam, states that if the report from the Belgian authorities in the States was favorable, it will be necessary to make available to DeHam the additional subsidy of 15,000 fr under the original contract and immediately available to DeHam, would be a sum of 5000 francs which will be given to him in 3 payments 15 days apart. A first payment of 1,500 francs. and the next two of 1,750 fr.
Mr Henry Bosch Spencer, the Chargé d'Affaires in the United States since March, was appointed to go to St. Mary's in August. But his request to visit the colony would receive a late response from DeHam, due, it is said, to the lack of regular postal service with Ste Marie.
Without news from Bosch, and following the report sent by DeHam, Rogier and d’Hoffschmidt paid for the crossing of eleven passengers on board the ship “Denise”, They had to replace the fourteen colonists that had deserted the settlement. I found no trace of that ship and, as far as I have been able to check, no new names in the 1860 census suggest any new Belgian people in the Elk county area came in 1850. Maybe those people were those sent to the projected New Brabant colony initiated by Lewis Cartuyvels.
Bosch will only go to St. Mary on October 15, for a 5-day visit. During his visit, Bosch gave 500 fr. To DeHam and on his return wrote a favorable report, also not kept in the New Flanders file. The additional 15,000 fr under the contract may eventually be paid. By September, pressed by the time, the Minister of the Interior asked by the intermediary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and from Moxhet to DeHam if he could accommodate a second convoy of emigrants. The response of DeHam not kept in the New Flanders file was sent on 5 October but the 1850 settlers were never sent to New Flanders.
The Elk County 1850 census outside St. Mary’s.
The part of the 1850 Elk County census outside St. Mary’s list all the New Flanders settlers in Jones and Benzinger township, and only them. No other Belgians were to be found in Elk County. That census, taken in the middle of the first year of the arrival of the Belgian settlers, is very interesting and gives some information concerning the state of the colony.
Some statistics at first: Elk county population in the 1850 census was 3,584 people a rather scarcely populated county. Only 235 people lived in Jones township, a vast area north of St Mary’s. The weird thing in this census is that he was begin in August, and after visiting about 30 houses in Jones township, the census taker resumed his task only in October.
The housing of the Flemish settlers: Chevalier Van Eersel wrote in March 1850: ”Seven houses are already built and the parcels of land assigned to the families”. From the census we can see eight families: Bard, Vompetecam, Demey, Ferbeke, Vanhaverbeke, Cauke, Bonte and Dobbels. Also a list of single men, eight are listed, all living with DeHam family. Those are rather intriguing, the contract being specific as sending only families.
The “real estate” also gives some information. Each family listed in October is with 75 $ of real estate but not the two (Bard & Vanpetecam) listed in August. Those $ 75 was it something the census taker either forgot for those two families or either where they not yet in possession of their track of land in August, I cannot say. From the contract, we have to remember that each family would receive 25 acres of land evaluated at $ 2 per acre, but of a not improved land and for an imposed price. More intriguing is the real estate declared/estimated for DeHam. $ 3,000 for 4,000 acres is too few. Too few even for 2,000 acres at $ 2,00 and, as we have seen, the price per acre was rather around $ 2,50 than $ 2,00.
More: The 1850 agricultural census list only three Belgian people: Victor DeHam with 40 acres of improved land and 460 acres of unimproved land, Louis Cartuyvels with 100 acres of improved land and 280 acres of unimproved land and Dominicus Redant with 4 acres of improved land and 46 acres of improved land. For Victor DeHam, 500 acres is also far from the expected 4,000 acres.
The changes in people: born, dead and vanished.
Charles Vintaer in the Cartuyvels book wrote: “two Belgians children were baptized”. From the 1850 census, those children would be Marie Demey and Melissa Van Peteghem, the only two children listed born Pennsylvania. As to the deaths, nothing is in the documents I was able to find. But, comparing the ship manifest with the census, some people are missing.
Two single men are missing: Bernard Verheust [10], 36 y.o., Jean De Mey [59] , 33 y.o., no further trace of them.
Two little children are missing: Adelia Marie Verbeeck [47], 4 m. o., John Baptiste Baert [56], 4 y.o., no further trace of them.
A young woman missing: Marie Therese Vanhaverbeek [16], 17 y.o., not listed in the census but she married Frederick Brooks [39] in 1852 and lived till 1915.
The Osselaer (Ossler) family: The report sent by DeHam is more understandable concerning the Oesselaere family; Expelled from the colony Bernard and Rosalie went to work at the Joseph Ketzmeeker (Hetznecker, Hedsnicker) sawmill, and the parents with the third son Jean went to St Mary’s were the father resumed his trade as wooden shoemaker. In August, the brothers Charles and Ange Ghyselem [08] [09] were also working for Joseph Ketzmeeker but are also listed in October living with the DeHam family.
Line
|
Dwelling & |
First & Last name |
Age |
Sex |
Occupation |
Real
|
Birth |
Remarks [ ] place on the Lorena |
||||
Census : M432-776 Division Jones Enumerated 6 Aug 1850 Page : 310b |
||||||||||||
7 |
26 |
26 |
Joseph |
Ketzmeeker |
32 |
F |
Sawyer |
200 |
Germany |
|
||
8 |
26 |
26 |
Catherine |
Ketzmeeker |
23 |
M |
|
|
Germany |
|
||
9 |
26 |
26 |
Michael |
Widart |
21 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Germany |
|
||
10 |
26 |
26 |
Casper |
Deppe |
31 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Germany |
|
||
11 |
26 |
26 |
Carl |
Hazle |
27 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[08] |
||
12 |
26 |
26 |
Luce |
Hazle |
25 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[09] |
||
13 |
26 |
26 |
Bernhart |
Osler |
28 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[35] |
||
14 |
26 |
26 |
Rosella |
Osler |
17 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
[37] |
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
22 |
29 |
29 |
Joseph |
Bard |
42 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [52] |
||
23 |
29 |
29 |
Rosella |
Bard |
15 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
[53] |
||
24 |
29 |
29 |
Frederick |
Bard |
13 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
[54] |
||
25 |
29 |
29 |
Eslau |
Bard |
7 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
[55] |
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
26 |
30 |
30 |
Luce |
Vompetecam |
26 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [57] |
||
27 |
30 |
30 |
Molle |
Vompetecam |
23 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [58] |
||
28 |
30 |
30 |
Melissa |
Vompetecam |
3/12 |
F |
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||
29 |
30 |
30 |
Frederick |
Fondenbrook |
21 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [39] |
||
Census : M432-776 Division Jones Enumerated 2 Oct 1850 (!) Page : 311a-311b |
||||||||||||
15 |
38 |
38 |
Victor |
DeHam |
45 |
M |
Farmer |
3000 |
Belgium |
|
||
16 |
38 |
38 |
Caroline |
DeHam |
46 |
F |
|
|
East Indies |
|
||
17 |
38 |
38 |
Constantine |
DeHam |
20 |
M |
none |
|
Belgium |
|
||
18 |
38 |
38 |
Alfred |
DeHam |
19 |
M |
none |
|
Belgium |
|
||
19 |
38 |
38 |
Felicia |
DeHam |
18 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
|
||
20 |
38 |
38 |
Matilda |
DeHam |
8 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school |
||
21 |
38 |
38 |
Joseph |
DeHam |
3 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
|
||
22 |
38 |
38 |
Bernard |
Ferstain |
21 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [38] |
||
23 |
38 |
38 |
Solomon |
Dhaenens (?) |
35 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [31] |
||
24 |
38 |
38 |
Frederick |
Dobbels |
59 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [11] |
||
25 |
38 |
38 |
Ange |
Ghyselen |
26 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[09] |
||
26 |
38 |
38 |
Charles |
Ghyselen |
28 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[08] |
||
27 |
38 |
38 |
Frederick |
Vandebrocke |
22 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [39] |
||
28 |
38 |
38 |
Gillis |
DeCawere |
42 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [32] |
||
29 |
38 |
38 |
Charles |
Vintaer |
44 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[21] |
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
30 |
39 |
39 |
Leo |
Demey |
34 |
M |
Farmer |
75 |
Belgium |
[06] |
||
31 |
39 |
39 |
Sophia |
Demey |
33 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
[07] |
||
32 |
39 |
39 |
Marie |
Demey |
4/12 |
F |
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
33 |
40 |
40 |
Charles |
Ferbeke |
49 |
M |
Farmer |
75 |
Belgium |
[40] |
||
34 |
40 |
40 |
Rosalie |
Ferbeke |
44 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
[41] |
||
35 |
40 |
40 |
Adolphus |
Ferbeke |
20 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[42] |
||
36 |
40 |
40 |
Gustave |
Ferbeke |
18 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
[43] |
||
37 |
40 |
40 |
Matilda |
Ferbeke |
16 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [44] |
||
38 |
40 |
40 |
Melanie |
Ferbeke |
14 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [45] |
||
39 |
40 |
40 |
Henry |
Ferbeke |
13 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [46] |
||
40 |
40 |
40 |
Victor |
Ferbeke |
8 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [48] |
||
41 |
40 |
40 |
Felix |
Ferbeke |
6 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [49] |
||
42 |
|
|
line 42 not completed |
|||||||||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
1 |
41 |
41 |
Charles |
Vanhaverbeke |
47 |
M |
Farmer |
75 |
Belgium |
cannot read/write [12] |
||
2 |
41 |
41 |
Amelia |
Vanhaverbeke |
47 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [13] |
||
3 |
41 |
41 |
Constant |
Vanhaverbeke |
24 |
M |
Laborer |
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [14] |
||
4 |
41 |
41 |
Harriett |
Vanhaverbeke |
21 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [15] |
||
5 |
41 |
41 |
Cordeela |
Vanhaverbeke |
17 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [17] |
||
6 |
41 |
41 |
Marie |
Vanhaverbeke |
12 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [18] |
||
7 |
41 |
41 |
Fernand |
Vanhaverbeke |
9 |
(M) |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [19] |
||
8 |
41 |
41 |
Philomena |
Vanhaverbeke |
5 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [20] |
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
9 |
42 |
42 |
Charles |
Cauke |
45 |
M |
Farmer |
75 |
Belgium |
cannot read/write [01] |
||
10 |
42 |
42 |
Francisco |
Cauke |
46 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [02] |
||
11 |
42 |
42 |
Eve |
Cauke |
20 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
cannot read/write [03] |
||
12 |
42 |
42 |
Leo |
Cauke |
12 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [04] |
||
13 |
42 |
42 |
Philomena |
Cauke |
7 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [05] |
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
14 |
43 |
43 |
Francis |
Bonte |
52 |
|
Farmer |
75 |
Belgium |
[50] |
||
15 |
43 |
43 |
Collette |
Bonte |
52 |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[51] |
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
16 |
44 |
44 |
Petrus |
Dobbels |
58 |
|
Farmer |
75 |
Belgium |
cannot read/write [22] |
||
17 |
44 |
44 |
Julia |
Dobbels |
63 |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[23] |
||
18 |
44 |
44 |
Eugenie |
Dobbels |
16 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [24] |
||
19 |
44 |
44 |
Francis |
Dobbels |
14 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [25] |
||
20 |
44 |
44 |
Louisa |
Dobbels |
9 |
|
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [27] |
||
21 |
44 |
44 |
John |
Dobbels |
12 |
|
|
|
Belgium |
at. school [26] |
||
22 |
44 |
44 |
Henry |
Dobbels |
7 |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[28] |
||
23 |
44 |
44 |
Sophia |
Dobbels |
5 |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[29] |
||
24 |
44 |
44 |
Constantine |
Dobbels |
1 |
M |
|
|
Belgium |
[30] |
||
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||
Census : M432-776 Division Benzinger Enumerated 2 Oct 1850 Page : 349a |
||||||||||||
2 |
225 |
232 |
Jacob |
Osselaire |
60 |
M |
Wooden Shoemaker |
|
Belgium |
[33] |
||
3 |
225 |
232 |
Mary |
Osselaire |
50 |
F |
|
|
Belgium |
[34] |
||
4 |
225 |
232 |
John |
Osselaire |
23 |
M |
none |
|
Belgium |
[36] |
||
1851 Elk County. Leopoldsburg, New Flanders, second year of the settlement of Belgian paupers.
Following the theoretical scheme I’m putting on the contract, DeHam would have reached the end of 1850 with $ 5,000 but when Bosch visited the settlement in August 1850, nothing was left. And although DeHam received from the Belgian government all the money promised to him for that year, he was yet destitute at the end of the year 1850.
In March 1851, in a letter not kept in the New Flanders file (so I do not know the content) the settlers complained about the attitude of DeHam to them. It would have been very interesting to know about those complains. I can only assume, as DeHam was left without money, it was stating that DeHam was unable or was not willing to help them anymore. But, those obligations, following the contract, now that the settlers were there for more than one year, did not exist anymore. I suppose it’s at that time that the colons began to leave the settlement. They surely left without money and Victor Deham was unable to pay them for any labor.
Victor DeHam, with the arrival of new settlers cancelled, still had to pay the annuities for the 4,000 acres of land. Following the records, in April 1851, a sum of 4000 fr ($ 750) was advanced to DeHam so that he can deal with its most pressing obligations. While some money, provided by the contract, was made available to DeHam, a new letter was sent from Bosch to the Minister of Foreign Affairs stating that a Mr Broekerhoft, merchant and owner at Bel(le)fonts had written to him a letter “in which he giveconnaissance de la fâcheuse position financière de knowledge of the bad financial position of Mr DeHam, director of the Belgian Colony of New Flanders.” From that letter, not very understandable as stained and washed like the other papers, it seems that DeHam went to Belgium in 1851 with propositions to collect founds for the New Flanders colony, but those propositions were not followed. Bosch in his letter is defending DeHam “I do not hesitate to say, [..] Mr DeHam a fait en fort peu de temps [..] Mr DeHam made in a very short time [..] a lot more than we could expect from him avec les faibles ressources qui lui ont été allouées with the limited resources that have been allocated and that, if he even knew the country and its [..] ts, avant de s'engager, il n'aurait [..], before embarking, he would [..] s entrepris une tâche aussi pénible. [..] undertaken a task too difficult…” . According to the letter of Bruckehoff , DeHam was exposed for $ 1200 to $ 1500 and its creditors were growing impatient. Prosecutions would even have made against him and the Government should take steps to stop them.
The Minister of the Interior can only note that the reports previously sent by Mr Bosch were far from predicting outcomes as deplorable as those written in his last report and that it was no longer possible to send money to Mr DeHam, the funds allocated to the project by the government being all exhausted. It is time, he said, to try to recover what can be done of the advances made to Mr DeHam and make use of the mortgage on the property of St. Mary, which was passed on April 4, 1850 between Mr DeHam and Mr Moxhet. DeHam debts to the state where totalling 45,000 fr. ($ 9,000) including the supplementary grants paid in several parts in 1850. The Foreign Minister then engaged Moxhet to recover these amounts, but Moxhet noted that the mortgage security can not be implemented, because the land having not been paid in full. DeHam was not the legally owner of those land, and therefore can not do anything.
The very partial informations found for that year attest of the intention of DeHam to search other means to attire new settlers and find new sponsors. He was ready to add in his colony, paupers and beggars confined in workhouses. DeHam made contact with the minister of Justice Teisch and with the governor of the Flemish provinces as stated in this letter[17] written to the minister of Justice: "They lack indeed a guide and a supporter who can find a job for them. I could put them to work where I live, as Belgian labourers and foremost upright, honest and hard working farmers. At this moment I could use four farmers. If you department could send me four adults of young age, with decent morality and used to rural work and if they could pay for the cost of transport to the colony of New Flanders, I commit myself to paying their salaries of 3 $ a month or 16 francs with food and housing on top of that and raise this salary bit by bit. If they behave in a satisfying way during a period of four years I will help them to obtain the means to establish themselves on their own".
DeHam estimated the cost of the crossing at 150 francs (30 $) and the transport inland at 60 francs (12 $). But the governor of Antwerp declined the proposition as such people "cannot be found among people incarcerated in beggar workhouses". Only one people according to the archives was sent to DeHam: the council of Ypres paid 210 francs for a Louis Rubrecht, the sum would be handed over to the emigrant from the captain of the ship upon their arrival in New York. His arrival in New York in confirmed on board Ashburton, arrival in New York on October 1, 1851. He is listed as 33 y.o. and was with some other Belgians but I find no further trace of any of them.
The problem of the DeHam settlement
was mentioned in the Belgian Parliament in May 1854. It gives some
information concerning the DeHam colony:
A Mr de Haerne[18]
said: Gentlemen, I had the honor of seeing Mr. DeHam returning from his
first trip, and he told me he was not without hope of success, but it lacked
a lot, that he was not very happy with his Company in the moral and
religious matters. A German priest who was at St Mary’s at his arrival,
having had to leave for other States of America, the population had dropped. Mr.
DeHam has even made a call to the clergy of the country, and he hoped to be
supported. I told Mr. DeHam, who
has experience of the facts, that everything is in the organization of the
association.
A Mr Osy[19]
said: as Honourable Mr. Haerne just told you. A
dreamer, who was an official in the Ministry of Interior, seeing the
opportunity of a lot of money, proposed to the Minister of Interior to
organize emigration to America. He
asked the Minister of the Interior to give him an advance, and if I remember
correctly, he got 70.000 fr. It
was agreed to indemnify the official position he gave up, he would be paid
25,000 francs. He would have
therefore only 45.000 fr. to
repay. This amount must be repaid
to the government within ... and a number of Belgians were to be transported
every year as emigrants in America. I want to know, like the honorable M. de
Haerne, how much Belgians emigrated to America and if those 45,000. fr. (Because
it is a matter that goes back four or five years) were paid to the State,
and finally what‘s left of this colony of Sainte-Marie. Gentlemen, I also
had a visit from the one who has made this enterprise. He
came to me to ask the government to seek for new subsidies. I
told him that I was opposed to the government intervention in the case of
mingling with individuals, and not only I would not ask for it new
subsidies, but if it was a question of according it, I was determined to
oppose it.
A Mr. Brixhe[20] said “Gentlemen, we asked earlier, information on the alleged Belgian town of Sainte-Marie in Pennsylvania I have the honor to say a few words about what I saw there three years ago from this day [November 1850]. First the town of Sainte-Marie is exclusively German. Mr DeHam established his colony under the name of New Flanders, 9 miles north of St Mary’s. He undertook some clearings and at the time of the visit I have made, funds by the government were absorbed and were only represented by a 20th acres of ground, poorly cleared, and an hydraulic sawmill worth 6.000 to 7.000 fr. Seven or eight Flemings were still on the scene, the others having dispersed to be better able to provide for their subsistence.
The charge d'affaires Bosch recalls that during his stay at St. Mary in 1851, he was able to see that the choice of the settlers was very unhappy and that those lazy Flemish beggars, for whom DeHam had kindness and paternal attentions, have been disappointing.
1852 and 1853 Elk County. Leopoldsburg, New Flanders, the end of the settlement of Belgian paupers.
For the years 1852 and 1853, the documents are few but are confirming the end of hopes for colonization at St Mary. What could have been an incident with the defection of some settlers will, instead, be the first thing that will drop the final project and the bankruptcy of DeHam. At least this is DeHam point of view.
So, all the settlers were gone, without paying the sums specified in the contract for land and equipment initially provided. DeHam states that otherwise he would have been able to repay in 1854, the advances the Belgian Government had made. On the other hand, as I already said, I wonder how the settlers would have found money to pay back DeHam. Helping him to improve the settlement would not have brought them money.
DeHam wrote in February 1852 to Benzinger and Eschback, owners of the land:
I think it my duty to inform you that nothwistanding various misfortunes which happened to me since I settled at New Flanders, I have succeded so far as to have a sawmill in good order and a farm of nearly sixty acres cleared. In two or three weeks my mill will enter in operation, so as that I will be able in a couple years to meet my engagements toward you; Under such circumstances, gentlemen, relying on your kindness, I trust that my efforts will be acceptable to you. I should have been exceedingly happy to perform sooner every stipulations of my contract; but you will be pleased to attribute the delay to causes stronger than my good will.
The response put an end to the project:
We regret to learn that you are felling timber on the lands, for the purchase whereof you contracted with us. We have, in consideration of the difficulties you have encountered and from compassion with the misfortunes of your deserving family, consented not to press you more, unless compelled by circumstances, for the payments you owe us: but we cannot, having a proper regard for our own interests, consent to the lessening of our security, especially now, since the time is near at hand, when timber will become valuable and will be our main security. We have therefore felt ourselves constrained to require you to fell no timber, except for the purpose of fuel for your family and for the purpose of constructing such buildings as you may permanently locate on the lands you have contracted to purchase from us.
We have also directed Mr Garner take the necessary steps to prevent any further felling of timber, except for the purposes above mentioned, until you have paid for the lands.
So, all means of ever paying his debts being cut off, Deham also went away, trying to find some means to earn a living. In October, the Consul General in New York, Henry Mali, asked DeHam of its location. The penniless DeHam replied “Pittsburgh”, where he settled and taught piano for sustenance.
DeHam also wrote to Ignatius Garner on October 17, 1852:
I regret very much needing to leave Saint Mary's without saying goodbye; I deplored even more the loss that you made in person ____, your sister in Buffalo. When I saw her this past year, I….condolences on loss of sister. You know that I left for Pittsburg, in order to endeavor to earn there by my fingers (hands), my daily bread and that of my wife and my daughters. I succeeded in having 12 students and I hope that with the grace of God, before the end of the month, to have 15-20. Moreover, I have the promise of an organ for Easter. I have therefore resolved, despite my great pecuniary (financial) difficulties to bring my family, except the two younger ones, who will continue to survey the saw mill. The beginning will be hard because I must procure a new [mobilier] and that we are living, God knows, for 3 months, because you know the habit of paying professors by quarters, a thing which annoys me infinitely, my dear Garner, ____ the privations of a watch to regulation the time of my lessons. It is rare to find here some clocks in the apartments, which means I must give my lessons at random. See, I beg you, if you perceive take on yourself to leave me the joy of that which I delivered to you and if you think _____ to my only uprightness, for the restitution of 25 dollars that you had the generosity to loan me. I can only reimburse you in five months. I don't want to bother you too much on this subject but you are doing me a great service. Remember me
Allegheny city
The City of Allegheny,
Pennsylvania, from an 1871 engraving.. Allegheny was annexed by the City of
Pittsburgh in 1907.
The view is looking north from Mount Washington.
In a letter dated January 1853 DeHam point the people responsible of the failure of his attempt of colonization. It is may be the last written report on the situation of the colony of New Flanders. I have reproduced the more readable passages and keeping some sense. The rest is in very poor condition or missing, corroded by moisture.
Its no longer exists, [...] of the 59 settlers, there is only [...] an old [...] usually begging [...] owning [...] only 10 acres. Under the law of Pennsylvania, if in debt, the debtor may retain $ 300 value of real or personal estate, only the surplus is perceptible. This provision did not take long to be known by the settlers [...] were all my debtors because of their travel expenses, purchase of their furniture, their tools [...] provided to the settlers.
[...] Despite the indolence [...] nomads who constantly seeks to change places. We have not to be sorry for the first settlers of New Flanders. [...] are perfectly capable (?) and, if due to their low energy, there are few who are able to state ownership, compared to their situation in Belgium, their current situation is very prosperous. The worker lives happily [...] failure which emigrants committed to devote to me two days a week ... payment of their [...] of my house [...]
I left New Flanders to ask from a civilized life some livelihood for myself and my family. I left my eldest son, who is responsible for the operation of a sawmill whose products are intended to wipe out the debts that weigh on this company [...] was misled about the nature and morality of emigrants who have been entrusted to me, everything, even my sincerity and my kindness for them conspired to ruin me [...]
DeHam come with the scheme of giving him more funds to buy the land, the development of railroad in the area would increase its value and he would be able, when having latter sold the land at a higher price, to pay back the Belgian government. And, at last, protest of his goodwill in working to settle those people at St Mary’s.Monsieur Constant Van Goethem [...]
I have the honor to receive your letter of 26 October current and can only
thank you for your interest in me. I apologize if I put some delay in responding, a
rather serious ailment, which lasted a few days, prevented me to respond.
[...]date
of payments due on the land I bought in this County to satisfy my contract
with the Belgian Government [are exactly]
those you specify in your letter.
On
[...]
Payment, due in April 1850, four hundred dollars
[...].
is is the only principal and interest, which has been […]
Benzinger and Eschbach sued me, a few months ago, [...],
but according to the unanimous opinion of the legal profession, I [ have
nothing to ] before the date of the last [ payment ] which is due only in
April 1855.
All they [were
able to exige ] was forbid me to decrease the value [...] in sending trees to the sawmill, and I do not know
[...]
si donc vous pouviez déterminer le
Gouvernement [...] So if you could determine the Government
[...] me fournir les moyens de
satisfaire les anciens [...] provide
me with the means to satisfy the old [...]
priétaires, non seulement le Gouvernement
[...] owners, not only the Government
[...] rien de
sa créance, mais moi-même je [...]
nothing of his claim, but even I [...]
retirer quelque chose et ainsi réparer un
[...] remove something and so repair
[...] pertes
que j'ai essuyées dans cette m [...]
I wiped losses in the m [...]
Il est nécessaire que je vous
[...] It is necessary that I
[...]
qu'indépendamment des sommes
[...] regardless of money
[...] et de
l'hypothèque du Gouvernement [...]
mortgage and the Government of [...]
grêvé d'une obligation de 5000 D
[...] strike a bond of 5000 $ [...]
[...]I undertook
this
[...]
with great courage and
[...]and
honesty
[...] t
would be unfortunate
[...]
after having sacrificed to this end, my position
[...]
honourable and assured, after 19 years
[...]smart
service with the Ministry of Interior
[...]
I saw only forperspective
[...] days, and those of my wife a
[...]
absolute.
I
have the honor to be, Mr. Vice Consul with the most respectful consideration,
Your humble
servant,
V.
DeHam
Following this letter, and to confirm the scheme proposed by DeHam, Mali reports that if the land was bough (at 1,25 $) and reached the value of $ 5 per acre after construction of the railway project for the region, the government would be able to be repaid: Land could be sell for about 100,000 fr. [$ 20,000] and compensate the 55,000 fr. [$ 11,000 ] invested in this attempt at colonization and 32,700 fr. [ $ 6,500 ] more or less (principal and interest) paid to the landowners, leaving a certain amount to DeHam .
After the DeHam proposal to buy the land, the case appears to be stalled. No reaction followed. As already stated by the Minister of the Interior, the credit allocated to that business was exhausted. In addition, the political opposition in Belgium was aroused by sending poor’s and beggars in the United States, and discussing the desirability of an active role for the government in encouraging emigration,. the DeHam experiment must surely have weighed negatively on the desire to invest further in this project which has completely failed anyway. In the meantime, the 1850 project to send settlers to Missouri and other attemps to South America have also miserably failed, and Belgium was pined by the U.S. authorities for its emigration policy of paupers and beggars.
To a question that has been asked concerning the DeHam settlement, the Consul of Belgium in New York reports, in October 1854: it is impossible, unless we go there, to bring a clear opinion on the situation of Belgian colonists of New Flanders. Mr DeHam saying they progress, others on the contrary, says they have stopped growing crops for factory work. What is certain is that Mr DeHam left the game and lives in Pittsburgh from the product of his lessons.
Similarly, the question of whether the value of the land was real and ifs a lot of expense would be necessary to retrieve the lost money, he replied that the gains will only occur in the future, the United States experiencing severe financial crisis. The present value of land purchased at $ 1.25being currently $ 0.87, and there is more than $ 6,000 payable to the vendors.
In February 55, a report said that squatters were occupying part of the land purchased by DeHam, and assessing Dehamr rights before proceeding with the purchase of land would be a long process.
A final letter from Garner to the Consul in Philadelphia, provides another opinion on DeHam and how things were done in St Mary’s. This, unlike the other elements of this case which rather involved the selection of settlers, highlights the shortcomings of DeHam as administrator and express the opinion that DeHam, knowing neither the country nor the people had little chance of success.
St Mary June 25, 1855
Mr S Eat (Mange?)
Consul of Belgium, Philadelphia Pa
Sir,
Your letter of October 12, begging me to give you an account of the causes of the fall, as far as I know, of the DeHam colony at St Mary, Elk County, Penn. reached me.
The reason for the fall of the said Colony may be expressed in a few words: maladministration from beginning to end. I think much of Mr DeHam as an individual, but he did not have the capacity to conduct such a colony. I have no doubt that if a person would have been at the helm who knew how to go to a new country, and govern things, it would now be in a flourishing condition. As evidence, the colony of St. Mary who had no financial aid, and the settlers were generally poor, is in a state of prosperity. Even the Belgian colonists of Mr DeHam are doing very well since they act by themselves, and not few of them have acquired property either here or in the vicinity.
I do not know of course about the monetary resources of Mr DeHam or the scope of the contract. I often heard him complain, you could be excused in part, but how do I know he had, he would have succeed. He had a beautiful piece of land, as good as another in this country. This was a big mistake coming here as they did in winter, without making the necessary preparations, a year was thus lost. It is not necessary that I make mention of every detail, and in fact, it is a rather difficult thing for me, but as I said at the beginning: mismanagement was the cause of the fall of Mr DeHam colony in Elk County, Pa
It will always be nice to me to give you information as much as I can do.
Respectfully your
GARNER
On several occasions, information on the progress of the case were required from the Consul General of Belgium. About once a year or every two years. Copies of these applications have been retained to AMAE, but it seems that nothing have been done to require an answer. It was only in 1864 that a response was sent to Belgium. In short Mali in is letter said: it is time to finish with this unfortunate affair and forget it. This letter is also the last of the New Flanders file.
New York September 27, 1864
To His Excellency Charles Rogier Foreign Minister in Brussels
Mr. the Minister,
I just received the letter you did me the honor to write the 3rd current and I hasten to reply.
The purpose of this letter which recall several others from the Department on the same issue is what are the chances for the Government to recover its claim against Mr DeHam in respect of advances made to him for the establishment of Flanders in New Pennsylvania, to arrive at the settlement of this expenditure.
I can give in this regard nothing than mere opinion, and that is what has always caused me trouble all the time that the Department has done me the honor to speak to me about this case was unfortunately too out of my reach that I have ever been able to monitor the progress and check results from a serious way.
The government debt was secured by a mortgage or hypothec on land purchased by Mr DeHam, but he was dispossessed, lack of payment of the price. The mortgage is so extinguished by the fact of that resolution. The pledge was already irrevocably lost, the rest from the date of the first embarrassment of Dr. DeHam dating back to the year of his arrival, as I said in my letter of October 4, 1854 I have always considered final this regard.
It was at this time that most of to facilitate, through a show of hands, a resale which he offered to share the profits with the government, and it is for this purpose that you were addressing me November 6 the same year the powers that I have never had to use the position of Mr DeHam have changed in the meantime, as I had the honor to announce to you in my letter of 6 February 1855 I also considered definitive on this point, except a reserve obviously too vain to put that into account.
So all this time there was serious merits of the claim, ie, the business of New Flanders had died without remedy. Remains the personal obligation of Mr. DeHam. But already in my aforementioned report of 4 October 1854, I had the honor to inform you that having completely left the game he had retired to Pittsburgh where he lived product of his lessons. Since I spoke to him several times to enlighten me as to the outcome of the case on his personal position, and though he is still, I must say, eager to answer all he appeared to be in his power, I never learned from this match anything other than printing. This impression is he is ruined without resource. It is even twice recently sent to me to ask for support in attempts I considered desperate and I had to dissuade him.
But, I repeat, all that I can provide as to the fate of the government and mortgage rights originally acquired by Mr. DeHam as its present and future solvency is only an opinion based on his own statements and assessments that I found in the correspondence of the Consul General in the United States that seems to have everything planned from the outset what happened. I've never checked by myself or places or in the pleadings, I have not even done anything checked by lawyers or the condition of the premises or the residence of Mr DeHam. All this was done to add opinions opinions, and I was led to a great expense in a case which I had the moral conviction that there was nothing to remove.
But it remains to procure evidence in form for the settlement of the expenditure budget. It can only result in two judgments, one on a personal action against Mr. DeHam in Pittsburg (or rather in front of Allegheny Pittsburg) to which he oppose his insolvency, the other on a real action in Ridgway, chief instead of Elk County in which the owners of New Flanders oppose the resolution of Mr. DeHam rights. As all this will only be for the form, it will cost probably less than a hundred dollars. I think this final procedure could not be better led by the Minister of the King in Washington that I transmettrais the record of this case which I found myself as a responsible way accidental, by the deposit of Archives of the Archives Consulate General Consulate in New York.
I am with respect, Sir, your very humble and obedient servant
Consul General in New York Henry W Mali
From that time, what became of New Flanders? American sources give us the answer:
DeHam Victor, Professor of Music at the Pittsburg Female College, was accidentally shot dead by his servant, Peter Bauer at Castle Shannn, near Pittsburg, on Monday night. Ham and his servant started out to hunt thieves on the premises, and, after separating mistook for each other for thieves and fired, with fatal effect to Ham. He was 77 years of age.
Source: Chester Daily Times * 1879-09-03
InAb 1849 erwarb die belgische Regierung auf Initiative Charles Rogiers in Pennsylavania zunächst 10.000 Acres Land (über 4.000 Hektar) und stellte über 200.000 Francs bereit, um dorthin die Auswandung verarmter Bauern aus dem überbevölkerten Westflandern zu fördern. 1849 on the initiative of the Belgian government land would be acquired to settle in America impoverished farmers from the overpopulated western Flanders. Angelockt vom Versprechen auf pro Familie 25 Acres Land (10 Hektar), einen von der belgischen Regierung finanzierten Transport von Antwerpen über New York und Philadelphia nach St. Marys sowie eine bessere Zukunft in den USA gründeten die ersten vor allem aus Dentergem stammenden sechzig flämischen Siedler unter Professor Victor De Ham (1805–1879) im Juli 1850 acht Kilometer nördlich von St. Marys entfernt die Stadt Leopoldsburg . Lured by the promise of 25 acres of land for each family, about sixty Flemish settlers under Victor DeHam came to the New Flanders settlement, eight miles north of the town of St. Marys. Die belgischen Kolonien waren jedoch inzwischen durch Bodenspekulationen finanziell ruiniert und ihre Siedler weitergezogen. The Belgian colony, however, was soon financially ruined by land speculation and their settlers scattered in other places in Elk and neighboring Jefferson and Clearfield counties. Many of the original immigrants also moved to the Brookville area. The place was deserted and it wasn’t until 1888 that construction of a lumber mill took place where the Belgian emigrants once settled. The place was soon renamed the town “Glen Hazel” as it is known today.
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The “History of the counties of McKean, Elk, and Forest, Pennsylvania”[21] written in 1890, gives an epilogue to the DeHam settlement:
New Flanders was once the settlement of a colony sent here by the Belgian government. One Victor DeHam conceived the idea of colonization in Elk county, and in 1846 he obtained a number of Belgian colonists by contract, and, with DeHam as leader, New Flanders was founded. But DeHam had not carefully computed the cost of such an experiment, and in a brief period his money gave out, and the colonists, abandoning the enterprise, went to work elsewhere. Many descendants of these Belgians are still living in the county and are leading citizens. One old house, built in 1857, is all that remains of the old city of New Flanders. But the town is now full of life, and its enterprises are backed by men of large means. Around on every side is a deep forest of valuable timber, and here, on these bottom lands in and around New Flanders, the mills will be built to do the cutting. Here are tine railroad and water privileges, and elegant locations for factories. It is a very pleasantly located village, consisting of two hotels, several stores, a meat market and other industries. It is about two miles from Ketner by wagon road, on the road from St. Mary's to Rasselas, and on the recently completed Johnsonburg & Clermont Railroad. At or near the old settlement is the new one of Olen Hazel. The name and wonderful growth of this little town came from the fact that the firm of B. F. Hazleton & Co. have lately built a large saw mill there, and are building miles of railroad,' peeling large quantities of bark, putting in logs and other numerous work, giving employment to a large number of workingmen who are the backbone of any lively business town. At this point the Johnsonburg & Erie Railroads separate. The station on the Erie is called Ketner, and was the post-office for Glen Hazel until recently. The town has several stores, restaurants, markets, boarding houses, etc. The post-office was established in July, 1889, with Mr. Watson in charge.Brussels, New Brabant, Elk County.
Cartuyvels was back in the United States at the end of 1850, arriving December 21 on board Koophandel. With him Belgians from the St-Trond area, 10 of them benefactors of an individual subside of 120 frank (24 $) accorded by the Belgian government to go to St Mary’s. Those passengers are listed as born Germany but I assume they are passengers 88 through 100 of the ship list:
Koophandel passengers
Beneficiaries of subside
88 Vilaerts
Louis
30 bootmaker
Velaers
from Gorssum
89 Huberts
Henri
31
Hubert
from Tongres
90 Huberts
Claire
31
91 Vaelerts
Pierre
33
Velaers
from Gorssum
92 Scheren
Jean
28
93 Vanbrabant
Jean
22 farmer
Vanbrabant from St-Trond
94 Buysmans
Arnold 34
miller
Buysmans from St-Trond
95 Radino
Jean
26 mason
Radino
from St-Trond
96 Willems
Pierre
27 cooper
97 Smets
Liebert 29
cooper
Smets
from St-Trond
98 Vanderstegen
Jean
22 farmer
Vanderstegen
from St-Trond
99 Bradenbeck
Frederick 32
farmer
100 Huber
Elisabeth 22
farmer
I can only link 8 passengers with the benefactors of subside. The two others I cannot link as the names are far different from those on the ship list are: those are Groven from St-Trond and Paffenraed from Tongres. And from those having as destination St Mary’s, I can only find in the 1860 census of Ridgway, Elk county: Valies and in Benezette, Elk county: VanBrabant
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Cartuyvels wanted to settle them in his colony around his property of Roselay. He bought it from William A. Stokes, the former partner of Benzinger and Eschbach. In the spring of the year 1848 William A. Stokes, a lawyer from Philadelphia, came to St. Mary's with his family on the 4th of July, in the same year, with the intention of making his residence in the colony. He commenced to clear the Roselay farm, about four miles east of St. Mary's, and to build a mansion on it. His wife, being in delicate health when he came here, died about a year after their arrival, so he sold out in the fall of 1849 and returned to Philadelphia. Rev. J. L. Y. Cartuyvels became his successor in partnership, and finished the clearing and building of the Roselay farm. If Rosely road still exists today and is the continuation of Brusseles Street, nothing is left of Rosaley
It’s all I know of that colony. But the project was surely dropped when Louis Ursmare Cartuyvels left St Mary’, and went to Illinois. In 1855 he was in Kankakee County, Illinois had charge of the town of Kankakee, and of the missions of St. George, Manteno and L'Erable. In 1860, he was in Henry county, Illinois. His brother Bonaventure also left the colony and went back to Belgium in 1854 with his family, selling all his properties to Louis Cartuyvels. Some years latter, J. L. U. Cartuyvels sold all his properties in Elk County. In 1855, Adolphe Poncelet, Belgian Consul in Chicago, sent a report in Belgium concerning the Belgian settlements in the surrounding States, Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, Iowa, Kentucky, Missouri …. he wrote: "Abbe Cartuyvels, founder of the colony of Saint Mary’s in Pennsylvania, who lives for four months on the prairie of Illinois where he have the missions of Menteno, Petites Iles, Kankakee and Erable said he regretted not to have known sooner this country, because it would not have kept a colony in the forests of Pennsylvania, where after 6-7 years of work, the emigrant was still in a state of suffering and deprivation almost as large as upon his arrival and during this time he had to work like a negro(sic) in order to clear a few acres of land".
Roseley and New Brabant, from Cartuyvels pamphlet |
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The Deham family.
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(Bernard) Victor DeHam was born in Annecy, Haute-Savoie, France February 8, 1805. He was married in Ghent, Belgium, on
February 8, 1827 Caroline Elizabeth Wappers Melis, born January 11, 1804, East Indies. Her father was a Knight of the Order of the Dutch Lion, Councilman of Finance and Director General of Customs for the Dutch East Indies.
His oldest children (Louisa?, Sara?, Elisa) stood in Belgium. With them went the other children:
Constant Louis
Victor, born August 14,
1829, death Colon, Panama March 13, 1885
Alfred, born September 4, 1830, death New Orleans on November 14,
1899
Felicie, born April 16, 1832, death Pittsburgh April 5, 1902,
was a nun with the Sisters of Mercy at the Convent of St Xavier
Mathilde Emmerence, born November 25, 1841, death Pittsburgh in 1877
Joseph Francis (Ernest?) born November 9, 1846
In Pittsburgh a last chid was born to them: Maria, born October 13, 1852.
Caroline Elizabeth Wappers died at Allegheny on March 27, 1857 and Victor
DeHam was married a second time in 1870 when 65 y.o. with Frances
Margaret Riddell, a young woman 18 y.o. born Pennsylvania in 1852 and
the daughter of a Baptist
Minister. They had three
children: Bernard Victor, Leo, and Guy Theodore before
his death in 1879. Victor Deham wrote a Declaration of Intent on November
24, 1850 but he was only Naturalized on October 8, 1864. A long delay as
usually the Naturalization was granted between 2 and 4 years after the
Declaration.
The settlers, passengers of the Lorena
01-05
Charles (Karl) Coucke, born 15 November 1804, Wakken, death 27
September 1876, St Mary’s, Elk Co, PA; married Françoise (Frances)
DeMeulemeester, born 3 June 1804Machelen, East Flanders, who died 12
June 1897 St Mary’s, Elk Co, PA.
Children:
Ivo, born Wakken, West Vlaanderen 22 March 1830, died 10 February
1927 at St Mary’s, Elk Co. PA;
Leonard Bernard, born Wakken, West Vlaanderen July 1837, died 17
November 1917, Washington City, WDC;
Mary Philomena, born 5 March 1846, died 3 May 1933, St Mary’s, Elk
Co, PA, married Peter Walter Struble
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06-07 Leo Demi, born 1815, died Sept. 10, 1892, aged 77 years in Glen Richey, Clearfield Co., PA. and wife Sophie Milmiester, born 1816, Antwerp, death June 12, 1894 Glen Richey, Clearfield Co., PA. They lived in Bell, Clearfield Co, Pennsylvania in 1860 a labourer, 48 y.o., with wife Sophie Milmiester, 44 y.o. and children: Mary 11, Frederic 10, MacRaden? 8, Lewis 6 (1856-1930), Clara 4, Ella 2, all born Pennsylvania. In 1870 and 1880 lived in Lawrence, Clearfield Co. PA.. In 1870 the children listed were: Clara 12 y.o., Ella 10 y.o., Emma 8 y.o. and Ada 6 y.o.
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08-09 Charles 28 y.o. and Ange 26 y.o. (G)hyselem are listed in the 1850 census, living with Victor DeHam family but also a Carl 27 y.o. and Luce 25 y.o. Hazle are listed in the 1850 census laborers at Joseph Ketzmecker family. Carl and Leu Hisalem are listed in the 1860 census and Louis Hisland in the 1870 census.
Louis Hislem is listed a last time in the 1880 census, 50 y.o. with wife Theresa born New York from French parents and an adopted child, Anna 14 y.o., born Pennsylvania from unknown parents. It seems he was the only and last man living in the area of the New Flanders settlement.
10 Bernard Verheust not listed in the 1850 census, nor in more recent ones.
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11 François Dobbles listed in the 1850 census but no more information found.
12-20
Charles Vanoverbech (Overbeck) (born about 1803, died
Brookville October 7, 1882 and his wife Amelie (Emily Mortier)
born about 1803, died Brookville June 1889.
Children:
Constantine (1825- ) Henriette (1830-
) Mary (1831-1915) Cordule (1834- ) Louise Maria (1838-
1896 ) Ferdinand (1839- ) Philomena (1844-
)
Harriett (Henriette) married Bernard Verstine [ 38 ] in 1851.
The family Lived in Brookville, Jefferson Co. PA in 1860, 72 y.o, with Maria
22 and Ferdinand 18. A Charles Double 1 y.o. born Pennsylvania is listed
with them. They also went to Rose, Jefferson Co (1880 census).
St Mary cemetery Brookville
Overbeck Frank Van
The stone appears to read Frank VanOverbeck.
Overbeck John H
Sep 4 1876 Apr 26 1887 The stone was illegible, so
the information was confirmed in
"Tombstone Hopping". Son of F.V. and M. Overbeck
Overbeck Margaret
Jul 13 1840 Feb 23 1901
Wife of Frank Oberbeck
21 Charles Vintaer
22-30
Joseph Peter Doubles (born Tielt, West Vlanderen, on july 20
1793, died November 1899) and Julia Dhugelaere (born Gent, Oost
Vlanderen, on May 15, 1813; died November 1899).
Children:
Eugenie (1834-1918) Frank (1837-1890) John (1838-1900) Mary
Louisa(1841-1918) Henry (1845-1929) Sophia (1847-1915) Constantine
(1850-1906) Joseph (1855-1911).
John Doubles (26) born September 7, 1839, died October 4 1900
is buried in the Brookville cemetery. In the 1860 census he was a sawyer at
Bernard and Henriette Verstine sawmill at Brookville like
Mary Dewilder as domestic, John Double (26) and Solomon
D’Hoene (Dunn) (31) as sawyers. He latter married Mary
DeVilder
Henry Doubles married Lydia Sadler.
31 Solomon Dunn lived in Brookville, Jefferson Co. PA in October 1860
32 Gillis De Gaber died, a single on October 1879 at Bensinger, elk Co. PA, 80 y.o; killed on Rail Road and a resident since 15 years
33-37
Jacobus Osselaere born about 1785 Waaken, West Flanders; died
Brookville, Jefferson Co., PA married to Therese
children Bernard Oesselaere born around 1822, death Brookville,
Jefferson Co, PA; married Melanie Verbeck (45) at
Brookville on April 27, 1857; death Brookville, August 23, 1885;
Jean Osselaere (1827- ); Rosalie (1829- May
11, 1912, Brookville) married Adolph Verbecke (42) at
St Mary’s, Elk Co., PA on December 14, 1856
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38 Bernard Verstine born May 1828, lived in Detroit Michigan in 1900, died 28 January 1911.
In February 1851,he was married to Harriet Van Overbeck and later moved to Brookville in September 1851. Married anew in Ontario on 21 February 1893, Canada, Melissa (Harding) Vasbinder born about 1848 in Pennsylvania
BERNARD VERSTINE[22]
was one of the strong and resolute men to whom success comes as a natural
prerogative, and within the course of a long and signally useful life he
showed his mastery of expedients and circumstances by overcoming obstacles
that obtruded in his path and by making his way forward to the goal of
definite independence and prosperity. He was significantly the architect of
his own fortunes and fortunate it was that Brookville and Jefferson county
represented the stage of his earnest and resourceful efforts, for he
contributed much to civic and material progress, stood an exponent of the
most loyal and liberal citizenship and ordered his life upon a high plane of
personal integrity and honor, so that he was accorded by his fellow mwn the
fullest measure of confidence and good will. Coming from his native land to
America when a young man, he entered fully into the spirit of its
institutions and typified the best in American citizenship. He was long one
of the prominent and influential citizens of Jefferson county and a tribute
to his memory consistently finds place in this history of the county.
Bernard Verstine was born at Zute, Belgium, on the 9th of May, 1829, and
passed the closing period of his life in the city of Detroit, Mich., where
his death occurred on the 28th of January, 1911, his remains being brought
back to his old home in Pennsylvania for interment in beautiful Brookville
cemetery.
Reared to manhood in Belgium, where he received good educational advantages,
Mr. Verstine set forth to establish a home in the United States. His
equipment was honesty of purpose, industrious habits, an alert mentality and
a determination that recognized no bounds, so that he was well fortified,
even though his financial resources were of most meager order at the
initiation of his independent career. On the 1st of September, 1849, about
eight months prior to attaining his legal majority, Mr. Verstine,
accompanied by a companion, Victor DeHam, embarked on a sailing vessel for
America, the land of promise. they landed at Philadelphia on the 24th of
December, 1849, after a protracted and stormy voyage across the merciless
sea, and within a short time thereafter Mr. Verstine located at a place then
known as New Flanders, near the present city of St. Marys, Elk county, there
having been at the time a flourishing Belgian colony at that place, as the
name New Flanders implied. After finding employment for a time in clearing
land, Mr. Verstine began seriously to consult ways and means for advancing
himself, and ere long he showed his wisdom by taking unto himself a
companion.
In February, 1851, was solemnized his marriage to Harriet Van Overbeck,
who likewise was born in Belgium and who accompanied her parents, Charles
and Amelia Van Overbeck, from their native land to America. Mr. and
Mrs. Van Overbeck eventually became citizens of Brookville, where they were
known and honored for their sterling character and where they passed the
closing years of their lives; his death occurred in 1882 and she passed away
in June, 1889.
In September, 1851, a few months after his marriage, Bernard Verstine came
with his young wife to Brookville, and here his first work was that of
carrying brick in the erection of the old “Union Hotel.” Later he labored
lustily in the lumber woods of this section, and was finally enabled to
engage in lumbering in an independent way, in Clearfield county, his timber
having been sawed in the mill then operated at Brookville by the late Judge
Philip Taylor. He eventually formed a partnership with Judge Taylor, and
they came into control of large and valuable timber tracts in Jefferson
county, in the development of which they realized substantial profits. Mr.
Verstine also acquired a tract of timber and operated a sawmill at Five-mile
Run, and in this connection he carried forward his operations in partnership
with a man named Delworth, of Pittsburgh. In continuing his successful
lumbering enterprises Mr. Verstine became interested in the firm of Carrier,
Verstine & Klein, in which his associates were C.M. Carrier and Bernard
Klein. They operated a large sawmill known as the North Fork mill, and Mr.
Verstine continued his active association with the business until 1891, when
he removed to Detroit, Mich., in which State he had accumulated important
financial interests, the same demanding his personal supervision. He sold
his business interests in Jefferson county to his sons at the time of his
removal to Michigan, and, as before noted, passed the remainder of his life
in the beautiful city of Detroit, though he continued to make frequent
visits to his old home in Brookville.
Mr. Verstine entered loyally into all community affairs during the long
years of his residence at Brookville and did much to further the advancement
of the fine little county seat, including the erection of several fine
buildings. In early years he was an active and valued member of the
Brookville Guards, a well disciplined military organization. He was one of
the organizers of the Brookville Water Company, in July, 1883, was a member
of its first board of directors, but the following year sold his stock in
the company. In 1879 he was one of the organizers of the old Brookville Fair
Association and took an active part in its development, as did he also in
all other matters pertaining to the community welfare and progress. His
political allegiance was given to the Democratic party and though he had no
ambition for public office or the activities of the political arena, he
served with special earnestness and efficiency as a member of the borough
council.
Mr. Verstine began his career without financial resources or other
fortuitous aid and by his energy, good judgment and well ordered endeavors
he acquired a substantial fortune. He stood “foursquare to every wind that
blows” and his name and memory shall be held in lasting honor in the county
and village that long represented his home. He was kindly, generous and
considerate in all things, made his life count for good in its every
relation, and thus justified his being in an emphatic and benignant way.
Mr. and Mrs. Verstine became the parents of six children: Mary T. is
the wife of George T. Sandt, of Brookville; Caroline became the wife
of Dr. William H. Mahneske, and both were residents of Pittsburgh at the
time of their deaths, Dr. Mahneske having been a graduate of Heidelberg
University, Germany, and a representative physician and surgeon of
Pittsburgh at the time of his demise; Henry, who has charge of his
father’s estate in Detroit, wedded Rebecca Heihold; Frank L., of
Brookville, is mentioned in succeeding paragraphs; Charles E. married
Alice Kerstetter and lives at Detroit, where he is retired from active
business; Malcolm died in Detroit, in 1913, and his remains rest
beside those of his father in Brookville.
39
Frederick Brooks born
May 29, 1829, Antwerp, died November 18, 1912 at Brookville, married in 1852
Mary Maria Vanoverbeck ( born Apr 1832, died Brookville April 26,
1915) (16) resided in Winslow, Clover and Rose, all in
Jefferson County.
Children: Louise(?) Susan (1852-1938) Joseph(1858-1952) Frank (1863-
) Albert (1866-1911) John (1870-1952) George (1873-
) Caroline (1876-1887)
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The first corpse interred in Holy Cross Cemetery was that of Andreas Verbeck in 1856. He had been fifteen years on age and was drowned in the Wilcox sawmill pond. The body was first buried in the Verbeck field, opposite the F. J. Brechtel farm, and later removed to the new Holy Cross Cemetery. His parents were former residents of the abandoned Belgium settlement of New Flanders, near present Glen Hazel. Information from a scrapbook at the Elk County Historical Society in Ridgway, PA. |
40-49
Charles Verbeke born 8
January 1799 at Meulebeke, West Flanders, death 1910, Brookville, Jefferson
Co., PA.
Married to Eugenia Horions (1795-1840) in Waaken, West Flanders on
May 12, 1823.
From that first marriage came at New Flanders Adolphe (1830-1910) Gustavus
(1833- ) Mathilde-Lucia (1834- )
Emilie-Melanie (1836- ) and Henry (1839-1855).
Married to Rosalia Lefevere born 1829 in Kuurne, died May 11,
1912 at Brookville, Jefferson Co, PA.
Children Victor (1842- ), Felix (1843-1880) and
Adilia Maria (1849- ). Two more children born in Belgium
Udoxia (1845) and Leopoldus (1846) died at an early age in Belgium.
St Mary catholic cemetery Brookville:
Verbeck Elizabeth 1837 1914
Verbeck Felix Company C, 211th Pennsylvania Infantry
Verbeck George H 1868 1937
Verbeck Lewis A 1873 1911
Verbecke Adolph 1830 1910
Verbecke Rosalie 1830 1912
Adolph Verbecke 1830-1910 married Rosalie Osselaer 1830-1912 they are buried in the St Marys Catholic Cemetery Brookville Jefferson County. Gustavus Verbeck enlisted 8th Infantry Co I on April 24, 1861.
50-51 Bonte: no information, no trace of them
52-56
Baert: 1910 census: Ursula Bart, 66 y.o., born Belgium-Flemish,
emigrated 1850, seamstress at St Joseph Convent, St Mary’s, Elk Co. PA In
1860 his daughter Julie [ 53 ] is married to Joseph Feldbauer
and his second daughter Ursule [ 53 ] a servant in farm.
Ursula id found as seamstress in
the St Joseph Convent at St Mary’s, 1910 censuys
57-58
Van Peteghem Louis and Melanie. In the 1880census at Heath, Allegan
Co, Michigan a Carol Vanpetechem 55 y.o. with wife Malinda 53 y.o. with
children born Pennsylvania: Louis 23 yo, Victor 21 yo, William 19 y.o.
and born Michigan Emma 13 y.o. and Flora 9 yo
59 John Demay 1860 census: 40 y.o. labourer in
Mahoning, Armstrong Co, Pennsylvania
The Belgians of the Allegheny’s Pennsylvania in the 1860 census.
In the 1860 census, most of the emigrants from New Flanders are
listed, but some more than in the 1850 census are already missing:
[ 05 ] Philomene Houcke, 6 y.o. in 1850, no information found
[ 17 ] and [ 20 ] Cordule and Philomene Vanhaverbeeck respectively 15 y.o.
and 5 y. o. in 1850, no information found
[ 22 ] and [ 24 ] Pierre Dobbels and Eugenie, his daughter, respectively 45 y.o and 16 y.o. in 1850, no information found
[ 32 ] Gilles De Tamder or De Cauwer, 44 y.o. in 1850, but the mortality Census of 1880 list a Gillis De Gaber, 80 y. o. , residing for 15 years in Benzinger, Elk County, a single, killed on railroad in October 1880
[ 36 ] Jean Osselaer 20 y.o. in 1850, no information found
[ 39 ] Frederick Vandenbroek 21 y.o. not in the 1860 census but appears in subsequent censuses
[ 44 ] and [ 48 ] Mathilde Verbeeck 15 y;o. and Victor 7 y.o. Victor is listed in the mortality census of Jones Township in 1860: 17 y.o. died October 1859, drowning
[ 50 -51 ] Bart / Bonte family: no trace
[ 52 ] Joseph Baert, and [ 54 ] Frederick, his son
[ 57 – 58 ] maybe in Michigan in 1880
Elk county 1860 census
Benzinger |
Record & |
Dwelling & |
Last & First name |
Age |
Sex |
Occupation |
Real & |
Birth |
Remarks |
||||
143 |
4 |
962 |
967 |
John |
Stockman |
36 |
M |
Farmer |
1500 |
600 |
Prussia |
|
143 |
5 |
962 |
967 |
Amelia |
Stockman |
30 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
143 |
6 |
962 |
967 |
Charles |
Stockman |
9 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
143 |
7 |
962 |
967 |
Adolph |
Stockman |
7 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
143 |
8 |
962 |
967 |
Frank |
Stockman |
5 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
143 |
9 |
962 |
967 |
Mary |
Stockman |
3 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
143 |
10 |
962 |
967 |
Cathe |
Stockman |
1 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
(1) Amelia Redant, daughter of Dominicus redant, see Elk County before 1850 |
||||||||||||
Benezette |
74 |
1 |
521 |
525 |
John |
VanBrabant |
31 |
M |
Day laborer |
|
250 |
France |
(1) |
74 |
2 |
521 |
525 |
Rosa |
VanBrabant |
30 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
(1) Belgium striked out and France added . See Brussels, New Brabant, Elk County |
||||||||||||
Jones |
56 |
26 |
394 |
398 |
Chas |
Verbeck |
60 |
M |
Farmer |
500 |
200 |
Belgium |
[ 40 ] |
56 |
27 |
394 |
398 |
Rosalie |
Verbeck |
55 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 41 ] |
56 |
28 |
394 |
398 |
Gustavus |
Verbeck |
26 |
M |
Day laborer |
|
|
Belgium |
[ 43 ] |
56 |
29 |
394 |
398 |
Felix |
Verbeck |
16 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 49 ] |
56 |
30 |
394 |
398 |
Fred |
Doubles |
72 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 11 ] (1) |
56 |
31 |
395 |
399 |
Leu |
Hisalem |
34 |
M |
Farmer |
700 |
150 |
Belgium |
[ 09 ] (2) |
56 |
32 |
395 |
399 |
Theresa |
Hisalem |
24 |
F |
|
|
|
Germany |
|
56 |
33 |
395 |
399 |
Carl |
Hisalem |
29 |
M |
Farmer |
700 |
200 |
Belgium |
[ 08 ] |
57 |
27 |
400 |
404 |
Simon |
Warner |
25 |
M |
Day laborer |
|
|
New York |
|
57 |
28 |
400 |
404 |
Jeanette |
Warner |
21 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(3) |
57 |
29 |
400 |
404 |
Child |
Warner |
1/12 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
(1) listed as “pauper” (2) married during the year (3) Jeannette Wills, born December 1837, arrival 1855 ?, married during the year, living at the farm of Simon Warner parents. |
||||||||||||
Ridgway |
106 |
9 |
711 |
716 |
Peter |
Valies |
40 |
M |
Day Laborer |
|
200 |
Belgium |
(1) |
110 |
26 |
743 |
746 |
Louis |
Valers |
32 |
M |
Day laborer |
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
110 |
27 |
743 |
746 |
Mary |
Valers |
22 |
F |
|
|
|
Bavaria |
|
110 |
28 |
743 |
746 |
Teresa |
Echer |
15 |
F |
|
|
|
Bavaria |
|
110 |
29 |
743 |
746 |
Anna |
Echer |
2 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
110 |
30 |
743 |
746 |
Josephine |
Echer |
1/12 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
120 |
16 |
810 |
813 |
Jos |
Feldbauer |
35 |
|
Farmer |
600 |
100 |
Bavaria |
|
120 |
17 |
810 |
813 |
Rosana |
Feldbauer |
24 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 53 ] (2) |
120 |
18 |
810 |
813 |
Michel |
Feldbauer |
1 |
|
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
120 |
19 |
810 |
813 |
Jos |
Feldbauer |
3/12 |
|
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
(1) See Brussels , New Brabant, Elk County (2) Rosina Bart, born 15 November 1832, died 13 April 1934 St Mary’s |
||||||||||||
St Mary’s |
49 |
3 |
348 |
352 |
Dommikus |
Redant |
58 |
M |
Farmer |
1500 |
50 |
Belgium |
(1) |
49 |
4 |
348 |
352 |
Rose |
Redant |
66 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
49 |
5 |
348 |
352 |
Francis |
Redant |
30 |
M |
Farmer |
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
(1) see Elk County before 1850 |
Jefferson county 1860 census
Brookville |
6 |
29 |
43 |
43 |
Theodore |
Guns |
40 |
M |
Labourer |
100 |
25 |
Belgium |
(1) |
6 |
30 |
43 |
43 |
Cates |
Guns |
26 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
6 |
31 |
43 |
43 |
John |
Guns |
5 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
6 |
32 |
43 |
43 |
Catherine |
Guns |
4 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
6 |
33 |
43 |
43 |
Joseph |
Guns |
1 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
6 |
34 |
44 |
44 |
Joseph |
Goon |
32 |
M |
Labourer |
100 |
25 |
Belgium |
(1) |
6 |
35 |
44 |
44 |
Jutila |
Goon |
28 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
6 |
36 |
44 |
44 |
Frederick |
Goon |
3 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
6 |
37 |
44 |
44 |
Theodore |
Goon |
1 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
9 |
1 |
64 |
64 |
Daniel |
Long |
23 |
M |
Blacksmith |
700 |
200 |
Pennsylvania |
|
9 |
2 |
64 |
64 |
Mary Lousia |
Long |
19 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 27 ] |
12 |
20 |
85 |
85 |
Charles |
De Sadler |
37 |
M |
Butcher |
300 |
200 |
Belgium |
(1) |
12 |
21 |
85 |
85 |
Cena |
De Sadler |
38 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
12 |
22 |
85 |
85 |
Lydia |
De Sadler |
13 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
12 |
23 |
85 |
85 |
Peter |
De Sadler |
7 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
12 |
24 |
85 |
85 |
Mary |
De Sadler |
11 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
12 |
25 |
85 |
85 |
Charles |
De Sadler |
2 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
14 |
12 |
95 |
95 |
Teresa |
Davelda |
16 |
F |
Domestic |
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
15 |
23 |
105 |
105 |
Bernardes |
Osselaire |
35 |
M |
Painter |
500 |
70 |
Belgium |
[ 35 ] |
15 |
24 |
105 |
105 |
Melinda |
Osselaire |
23 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 45 ] |
15 |
25 |
105 |
105 |
Jacob |
Osselaire |
1 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
15 |
26 |
105 |
105 |
Catherine |
Osselaire |
2/12 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
15 |
27 |
106 |
106 |
Jacobus |
Osselaire |
74 |
M |
|
|
300 |
Belgium |
[ 33 ] |
15 |
28 |
106 |
106 |
Teresia |
Osselaire |
66 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 34 ] |
19 |
22 |
132 |
132 |
Constantine |
Sponse |
40 |
M |
Coal digger |
|
100 |
Belgium |
|
19 |
23 |
132 |
132 |
Matilda |
Sponse |
40 |
F |
|
|
|
Holland |
|
19 |
24 |
132 |
132 |
Elizabeth |
Hickman |
18 |
F |
|
|
|
Holland |
|
19 |
25 |
132 |
132 |
George |
Sponse |
12 |
M |
|
|
|
Holland |
|
19 |
26 |
132 |
132 |
Cassy |
Sponse |
13 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
19 |
27 |
133 |
133 |
Frank |
Double |
23 |
M |
Teamster |
|
180 |
Belgium |
[ 25 ] |
19 |
28 |
133 |
133 |
Sarah |
Double |
18 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
(2) |
19 |
29 |
133 |
133 |
Elizabeth |
McCullough |
19 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
22 |
13 |
154 |
154 |
Fanny |
Leaves |
46 |
F |
|
|
25 |
Belgium |
(1) |
22 |
14 |
154 |
154 |
Clementine |
Leaves |
20 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
22 |
15 |
154 |
154 |
Constantine |
Leaves |
13 |
M |
|
|
|
Connecticut |
|
22 |
16 |
154 |
154 |
Theodore |
Leaves |
10 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
27 |
4 |
190 |
190 |
John |
Wullenschneider |
33 |
M |
Labourer |
|
75 |
Bavaria |
|
27 |
5 |
190 |
190 |
Maria |
Wullenschneider |
30 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
? |
27 |
6 |
190 |
190 |
Maria |
Wullenschneider |
10 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
27 |
7 |
190 |
190 |
Clementine |
Wullenschneider |
8 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
27 |
8 |
190 |
190 |
Margareth |
Wullenschneider |
6 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
27 |
9 |
190 |
190 |
John |
Wullenschneider |
4 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
31 |
21 |
223 |
223 |
Israel B |
Smith |
25 |
M |
Miller |
300 |
500 |
Belgium |
(1) |
31 |
22 |
223 |
223 |
Terresia |
Smith |
21 |
F |
|
|
|
Germany |
|
31 |
23 |
223 |
223 |
Gertrut |
Smith |
2 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
31 |
24 |
223 |
223 |
Augustus |
Smith |
2/12 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
32 |
19 |
234 |
234 |
Peter |
Milder |
46 |
M |
Labourer |
800 |
100 |
Belgium |
(1) |
32 |
20 |
234 |
234 |
Rose |
Milder |
38 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
32 |
21 |
234 |
234 |
Frank |
Milder |
16 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
32 |
22 |
234 |
234 |
Anthony |
Milder |
11 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
32 |
23 |
234 |
234 |
Daniel |
Milder |
8 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
32 |
24 |
234 |
234 |
Jacob |
Milder |
4 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
32 |
25 |
234 |
234 |
Mary M |
Milder |
5/12 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
33 |
6 |
240 |
240 |
Bernard |
Faustain |
30 |
M |
Sawmill Boss |
1000 |
400 |
Belgium |
[ 38 ] |
33 |
7 |
240 |
240 |
Harriette |
Faustain |
30 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 15 ] |
33 |
8 |
240 |
240 |
Mary |
Faustain |
7 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
33 |
9 |
240 |
240 |
Caroline |
Faustain |
6 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
33 |
10 |
240 |
240 |
Helwig |
Faustain |
4 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
33 |
11 |
240 |
240 |
Frank |
Faustain |
2 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
33 |
12 |
240 |
240 |
Mary D |
Dewilder |
18 |
F |
Domestic |
|
|
Belgium |
? |
33 |
13 |
240 |
240 |
Francis M |
Whiteman |
18 |
F |
Sawyer |
|
|
New York |
|
33 |
14 |
240 |
240 |
Albert |
Noble |
21 |
M |
Sawyer |
|
|
New York |
|
33 |
15 |
240 |
240 |
John |
Double |
20 |
M |
Sawyer |
|
|
Belgium |
[ 26 ] |
33 |
16 |
240 |
240 |
Isaiah |
Davis |
23 |
M |
Sawyer |
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
33 |
17 |
240 |
240 |
Christian |
Flick |
17 |
M |
Sawyer |
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
33 |
18 |
240 |
240 |
Solomon |
Dunn |
40 |
M |
Sawyer |
|
|
Belgium |
[ 31 ] |
33 |
19 |
241 |
241 |
Charles |
Overbeck |
60 |
M |
Labourer |
200 |
50 |
Belgium |
[ 12 ] |
33 |
20 |
241 |
241 |
Emly |
Overbeck |
60 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 13 ] |
33 |
21 |
241 |
241 |
Maria L |
Overbeck |
22 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 18 ] |
33 |
22 |
241 |
241 |
Ferdenand |
Overbeck |
18 |
M |
Labourer |
|
|
Belgium |
[ 19 ] |
33 |
23 |
241 |
241 |
Charles |
Double |
1 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
34 |
8 |
245 |
245 |
Julian |
Doubles |
47 |
F |
|
200 |
50 |
Belgium |
[ 23 ] |
34 |
9 |
245 |
245 |
Henry |
Doubles |
15 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 28 ] |
34 |
10 |
245 |
245 |
Sophia |
Doubles |
13 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 29 ] |
34 |
11 |
245 |
245 |
Constantine |
Doubles |
11 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 30 ] |
34 |
12 |
245 |
245 |
Joseph |
Doubles |
5 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
34 |
13 |
246 |
246 |
Constantine |
Overbeck |
36 |
M |
Labourer |
200 |
50 |
Belgium |
[ 14 ] |
34 |
14 |
246 |
246 |
Angeline |
Overbeck |
40 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(3) |
34 |
15 |
246 |
246 |
Charles |
Overbeck |
7 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
34 |
16 |
246 |
246 |
Ferdinand |
Overbeck |
5 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
34 |
17 |
246 |
246 |
John |
Overbeck |
2 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
34 |
18 |
246 |
246 |
Bernarga |
Overbeck |
3/12 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
(1) see Belgians in Jefferson County 1850 (2) Sarah Johanna Long, married during the year (3) Lavon or Lievens, widow of Donatius Devilder or Deveelder, see Belgians in Jefferson County 1850 |
||||||||||||
Eldred |
139 |
14 |
46 |
46 |
Arsula |
Bird |
15 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 55 ](1) |
139 |
27 |
50 |
50 |
Jacob |
Minewizer |
37 |
|
farmer |
1000 |
656 |
Bavaria |
|
139 |
28 |
50 |
50 |
Scholastica |
Minewizer |
43 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(2) |
139 |
29 |
50 |
50 |
Catherine |
Engle |
16 |
|
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
139 |
30 |
50 |
50 |
Joseph |
Minewizer |
16 |
|
farm hand |
|
|
Bavaria |
|
139 |
31 |
50 |
50 |
Paul |
Engle |
12 |
|
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
139 |
32 |
50 |
50 |
Anna |
Minewizer |
8 |
|
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
139 |
33 |
50 |
50 |
Mary M |
Minewizer |
6 |
|
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
139 |
34 |
50 |
50 |
Peter |
Minewizer |
4 |
|
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
139 |
35 |
50 |
50 |
Michael |
Minewizer |
1 |
|
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
139 |
36 |
51 |
51 |
George |
Singer |
23 |
M |
farmer |
300 |
150 |
Bavaria |
|
139 |
37 |
51 |
51 |
Francisca |
Singer |
20 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(3) |
139 |
38 |
51 |
51 |
Mary |
Singer |
1 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
139 |
39 |
51 |
51 |
Jacob |
Singer |
14 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
(1) servant, at Michael Woods farm (2) widow of Benedict Engel, see Belgians in Jefferson County 1850 (3) Francisca Philomena “Frances” Engel, daughter of Benedict Engel and Scholastica Van Mulders |
||||||||||||
Knox see also Eldred and Brookville, those two families are twice enumerated |
197 |
1 |
1411 |
1396 |
Constantine |
Overbeck |
38 |
M |
Herreman ? |
150 |
25 |
Belgium |
[ 14 ] |
197 |
2 |
1411 |
1396 |
Angeline |
Overbeck |
41 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
197 |
3 |
1411 |
1396 |
Charles |
Overbeck |
8 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
197 |
4 |
1411 |
1396 |
?(Ferdinand) |
Overbeck |
6 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
197 |
5 |
1411 |
1396 |
John |
Overbeck |
3 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
197 |
6 |
1411 |
1396 |
Bernard |
Overbeck |
6/12 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
197 |
28 |
1418 |
1401 |
Barney |
Osler |
31 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 35 ] |
197 |
29 |
1418 |
1401 |
Melanna |
Osler |
22 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 45 ] |
197 |
30 |
1418 |
1401 |
Jacob O |
Osler |
2 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
197 |
31 |
1418 |
1401 |
Catharine |
Osler |
5/12 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
(1) Angeline Lievens, see Belgians in Jefferson County 1850 |
||||||||||||
Pine Creek |
107 |
38 |
46 |
46 |
Peter |
Smith |
33 |
M |
farmer |
1000 |
493 |
Belgium |
(1) |
107 |
39 |
46 |
46 |
Elizabeth |
Smith |
25 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
107 |
40 |
46 |
46 |
Mary C |
Smith |
1 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
108 |
1 |
46 |
46 |
Rose |
Smith |
58 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
108 |
2 |
46 |
46 |
Delphiny |
Smith |
17 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
108 |
3 |
47 |
47 |
John |
Smith |
34 |
M |
laborer |
|
100 |
Belgium |
(1) |
108 |
4 |
47 |
47 |
Margaret |
Smith |
24 |
F |
|
|
|
Ireland |
|
108 |
5 |
48 |
48 |
Albert |
Smith |
23 |
M |
|
1000 |
50 |
Belgium |
(1) |
108 |
6 |
48 |
48 |
Mary |
Smith |
24 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
(1) Dominicus Desmet and Rosalie (Van Gundy), see Belgians in Jefferson County 1850 |
||||||||||||
Punxsutawney |
121 |
32 |
876 |
876 |
Charles |
Wender |
50 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
96 |
26 |
237 |
237 |
Barry |
Kline |
35 |
M |
Sawyer |
|
|
Belgium |
(2) |
(1) at Robert Bouch house, Public house, no other information found (2) at William Smith house, lumberman, no other information found |
Clearfield County 1860 census
Bell |
327 |
19 |
2211 |
2173 |
Leo |
Demi |
45 |
M |
Laborer |
|
|
Belgium |
[ 06 ] |
327 |
20 |
2211 |
2173 |
Sophia |
Demi |
44 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 07 ] |
327 |
21 |
2211 |
2173 |
Mary |
Demi |
11 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
327 |
22 |
2211 |
2173 |
Frederic |
Demi |
10 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
327 |
23 |
2211 |
2173 |
Makaden |
Demi |
8 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
327 |
24 |
2211 |
2173 |
Lewis |
Demi |
6 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
327 |
25 |
2211 |
2173 |
Clara |
Demi |
4 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
327 |
26 |
2211 |
2173 |
Ella |
Demi |
2 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
Covington |
25 |
25 |
180 |
169 |
Erastus |
Lambert |
46 |
M |
Carpenter |
|
75 |
Belgium |
(1) |
|||||||||||
25 |
26 |
180 |
169 |
Mary |
Lambert |
43 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
|||||||||||
25 |
27 |
180 |
169 |
Charles |
Lambert |
19 |
M |
Ass Carpenter |
|
|
France |
|
|||||||||||
(1) a letter from Bona(venture) Cartuyvels June 24, 1855 to Ignatius Garner gives more information ( Garner papers ):
You have
probably learned of my arrival at St-Trond, (Belgium) the passage
was happily made; embarked at New York April 21 on the North Star,
we re-embarked at Le Havre, May 2 at noon; I found my entire family
to be perfect health; they join with me in recalling themselves to
your good remembrance. I learned that you had the misfortune to lose
your youngest child, I hope that this didn't affect Madame too much
and that she is doing much better now. The present, my dear Garner,
serves in order to introduce you both to Mr. E. Lambert and
his family, who intend to establish themselves at St Mary's; if you
recommend him particularly, he only speaks French and by consequence
would find himself very annoyed without you in order to begin his
business; he intends to become involved in agriculture, and would
want to buy some acres of land; but also he would desire to have a
beginning, that's to say, 3 or 4 deforested arpents (~ acre);
couldn't you please find him this? Finally, my dear Garner, I count
a lot on your continued goodwill, in this case here, I am infinitely
obliged. I miss the time in order to discuss more details, I will
write you in 15 days or 3 weeks in order to give you a longer
description of my stay here and of my travel and also to ask you
some details of St Mary’s.
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||
Fox |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|||||||||||
44 |
10 |
274 |
285 |
Adolphus |
Verbec |
30 |
M |
Sawyer |
|
|
Belgium |
[ 42 ] |
44 |
10 |
274 |
285 |
Rosalie |
Verbec |
27 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 37 ] |
44 |
10 |
274 |
285 |
Charles |
Verbec |
8 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
44 |
10 |
274 |
285 |
Mary |
Verbec |
1 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
|
McKean County 1860 census
Keating |
||||||||||||||||||||||||
174 |
5 |
1309 |
1272 |
Carl |
Mumputugan |
34 |
M |
Laborer |
|
300 |
Belgium |
? |
||||||||||||
174 |
6 |
1309 |
1272 |
Melony |
Mumputugan |
32 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
||||||||||||
174 |
7 |
1309 |
1272 |
Philissa |
Mumputugan |
10 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||||||||||||
174 |
8 |
1309 |
1272 |
Mary |
Mumputugan |
5 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||||||||||||
174 |
9 |
1309 |
1272 |
Louis |
Mumputugan |
3 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||||||||||||
174 |
10 |
1309 |
1272 |
Victor |
Mumputugan |
9/12 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||||||||||||
Liberty |
||||||||||||||||||||||||
11 |
22 |
76 |
76 |
John B |
Jasper |
66 |
M |
Gardener |
|
|
Belgium |
(1) |
||||||||||||
(1) at Wm P Wilcox farm |
||||||||||||||||||||||||
Sergeant |
||||||||||||||||||||||||
218 |
1 |
1616 |
1557 |
Peter |
Wilts |
46 |
M |
Farmer |
1605 |
310 |
Belgium |
? |
||||||||||||
218 |
2 |
1616 |
1557 |
Theresa |
Wilts |
45 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
3 |
1616 |
1557 |
Emely |
Wilts |
15 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
4 |
1616 |
1557 |
Chas |
Wilts |
13 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
5 |
1616 |
1557 |
Philip |
Wilts |
10 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
6 |
1616 |
1557 |
Joseph |
Wilts |
7 |
M |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
7 |
1616 |
1557 |
Mary |
Wilts |
4 |
F |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
8 |
1616 |
1557 |
Leonard |
Wilts |
1 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
20 |
1619 |
1560 |
Carl |
Cook |
60 |
M |
Farmer |
800 |
100 |
Belgium |
[ 01 ] |
||||||||||||
218 |
21 |
1619 |
1560 |
Francesco |
Cook |
56 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
[ 02 ] |
||||||||||||
218 |
22 |
1619 |
1560 |
Leonard |
Cook |
21 |
M |
Laborer |
|
50 |
Belgium |
[ 04 ] |
||||||||||||
218 |
23 |
1619 |
1560 |
Mary P |
Cook |
18 |
F |
|
|
|
Belgium |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
24 |
1620 |
1561 |
Evo |
Cook |
26 |
M |
Laborer |
|
50 |
Belgium |
[ 03 ] |
||||||||||||
218 |
25 |
1620 |
1561 |
Mary |
Cook |
20 |
F |
|
|
|
New York |
|
||||||||||||
218 |
26 |
1620 |
1561 |
Jesauk |
Cook |
2 |
M |
|
|
|
Pennsylvania |
|
||||||||||||
Centre County 1860 census
Benner |
227 |
7 |
1599 |
1641 |
Lewis |
Cartuyvals |
29 |
M |
Farm laborer |
|
|
Belgium |
|
France added, at Joseph Rephart farm.
A L. Cartuyvels on board Europa, arrival Boston 29 November 1850, with Aristide Antoine Brixhe who visited the DeHam colony.
Not a brother of Jean Louis Ursmare Cartuyvels and Benoit Bonaventure Eugene Cartuyvels, it seems, but surely related to them.
The Belgians of the Allegheny’s Pennsylvania in the Civil War
Cartuyvels Louis
Enlisted as a Sergeant on 17 October 1861. in Company G, 51st Infantry Regiment Pennsylvania. Promoted to Full Quartermaster Sergeant on 9 Mar 1865. Mustered Out Company G, 51st Infantry Regiment Pennsylvania on 27 Jul 1865 at Alexandria, VA. From his pension card, he asked for a pension in March 1881 in Illinois, died December 28, 1895.
Married to Anna
Sullivan, born Ireland. His widow asked for a pension on June 12, 1893 in
Ohio but for another man, her former husband it seems. In January 1896 she
asked for another pension, in Illinois, no certificate given, and at an
unknown time, they went to live in Springfield, Illinois.
De Smet
Desire as Israel D. Smith
enlisted as Sergeant, Co. B,
211th Infantry on
September 6, 1864 for one year. Died at
Hampton, VA, on Dec. 24, 1864
buried in National Cemetery, Sec. D, row 11 grave 29. He died at US General
Hospital, Fort Monroe of “Phthisis Pulmonalis”. He contacted typhoid fever
while the Regiment was encamped on the lowlands near the James River, effect
of a very severe cold received on picket duty at defense of Bermuda Hundred,
Virginia, on about October 2, 1864. He left a wife and three children:
Augustus, born March 15, 1860; Laura born October 10, 1861 and Mary born
October 24, 1863. He was married on October 22, 1856 to Theresa Marx
born 1838 in Baden, at Clarion, Clarion County, and was a resident of
Brookville at the date of his enlistment. Theres(si)a was granted a pension
for her and her children till she married Frank Doubles on April 7, 1871.
When Frank Doudles died on April 15, 1890, she asked anew to be the
beneficiary of a pension being “very poor and dependent on her own labor for
a support”. The pension was granted by the Congress in 1891. She died
February 28, 1915, Carlisle, Pennsylvania
Dobbles Frank
(François)
Second husband of
Theresia Marx, enlisted as Private, Co H 57th Regiment
Militia Infantry on July 3, 1863, mustered out on August 17, 1863.
The regiment was organized at Pittsburg July 3, 1863. Duty
in Pennsylvania during Lee's invasion and draft disturbances. Mustered out
August 17, 1863.
Burial: April 17, 1891, Beulah Cemetery, Winslow Twp., Pa
|
|
Devilder Frank
enlisted during the Civil War under the alias of Frank Smith. He died on August 18, 1883 at Mill Creek, Clarion Co, Pennsylvania. Buried Miola Cemetery, Clarion Co. Married to Amelia Frantz in 1872. His widow Amelia Frantz died on August 9, 1919. Enlisted February 25, 1864, Co. H, 155 Pa Infantry, transferred to Co D, 191st reg. Pennsylvania volunteers on June 2, 1865, mustered out with Co. on June 28, 1865.
Van Overbeek Frank(lin)
Private 8th Infantry, Company K. Enlisted Brookville, Jefferson County April 24, 1861 (3 months' service)
Birth: Jun., 1840, Belgium Death: unknown, Jefferson County, Pennsylvania, USA
Frank is the husband of Margaret.
Her
husband immigrated from Belgium in 1850 and married her around 1862.
They had 12 children, 9 still living in 1900. Emma, Harriet, Carilise,
Rebecca, Mary E,Darona A, Maggie, Dolores, Jerome & Charles
In 1910 he is widowed (she died in 1907)and living in Winslow with his
daughter Margaret.
He died sometime between 1910-1920.
Burial:
Saint Marys Catholic Cemetery Original Brookville
Jefferson County, Pennsylvania, USA
Verbeck Gustavus
Private 8th Infantry, Company I . Enlisted Brookville, Jefferson County April 24, 1861 (3 months' service)
Mustered in April 24, 1861, Mustered out of service July 29, 1861
Verbeck Felix
Company C, 211th Pennsylvania Infantry organized at Pittsburg September 16, 1864. Enlisted September 3, 1864, mustered out with company June 2 1865. Buried St Mary’s cemetery, Brookville death June 16, 1874
Cook Leonard
, enlisted 12 March 1862 in
Mc Gregor, Armstrong County, Pennsylvania in the 16th Infantry US
Army, Co A (2nd battalion) and was discharged on 12 March 1865 by
expiration of service at Lookout Mountain, Tennessee.
Leonard Cook married Mary L. born in Pennsylvania from Baden parentage and
had 6 children. Before 1881 he left Pennsylvania and moved to Washington
D.C., a clerk working for the government in the “Watch and Patent Office”.
Leonard completed a pension file for invalid in April 1891, and died Nov.
24, 1917 in Washington D.C.
[1] (1888) at Internet Archive
[2] (1888) at Internet Archive
[3] Arrival not found
[4] The others settlers are Joseph Vera in Beaver Co., Anthony Beelen in Pittsburgh and in Westmoreland Co. a Charles Jefferys who was from an English family but born Belgium
[5] Augustus-Gabriel VAN DER STRAETEN-PONTHOZ Born in Ponthoz, near Clavier, Liège on September 14th, 1812. Diplomat in the United States in 1844-45. He was 1st secretary of the Belgian legation in Washington. He was put in charge of an exploration trip in the United States whose goals were to study possibilities of emigration, and extension of Belgian trade. The report written in 1845 appeared under title: “Research on the situation of the emigrants in the United States of North America”.
[6] Maybe Jean Van (den) Hoeck, born Antwerp in 1611, but his father Gaspar and his brother Robert were also painters. I don’t know if this painting is still at St Mary’s.
[7] See “The 1850 Belgian emigrants to Kansas City, Missouri” in Belgian Lace nr
[8] Auguste Moxhet from Verviers. Belgian Consul general in the United States from 1846 to 1853
[10] During the revolution of 1848 in Vienna, the Vicar General of Vienna took refuge in Belgium, but before retiring, he regrouped the American provinces in a vice-province. The new Provincial Heilig, cast doubt on the validity of this combination. In 1849, while the Redemptorists were full internal struggle Victor Ham asked the help of Father Heilig. Given the precarious situation of the Father Heilig and challenge on his authority on the American missions, he will not get it..
[11] This appendix was not with the contract but it was surely following the note sent by Beaulieu, Belgian Minister Resident in the United States. See The 1850 Belgian emigrants to Kansas City, Missouri in Belgian lace ….
[12] dsfjdsflkdsffsfklsdqfmjlksdmfjlksdfmjlk
[13] New
Flanders in Pennsylvania
by Karel Denys
The Coucke family of Waken West Flanders, Belgium to the Cook family
of Elk County, Pennsylvania, USA by Theodore V. Cook
in Flemish American Heritage, Volume 7, Issue 2, July 1989
[14] it appears that the payment was rather scheduled in five annuities of 1,000 $, the last in April 1855 - see letter from Deham November 1853
[15] I’ll refer to the emigrants as they are numbered in the De Man d’Attenrode report
[16] An old unit of measure of about 1 hectare and as 1 acre is about 0,4 hectare, this is in concordance with the 25 acres/10 hectares specified in the contract.
[17] in Torsten Feys "The emigration policy of the Belgian government..."
[18] Abbé Désiré Pierre Antoine De Haerne, born July 4, 1804 in Ypres (Belgium) and died 22 March 1890 in Brussels, was a Belgian politician and priest.
He made his secondary education in Ypres and the seminary in Ghent. In 1824 he received the professorship. Alongside this teaching career, he criticized the policy of William I of the Netherlands (including the government monopoly of education, which was hurting the feelings of the Catholics)
In 1830 he was elected member National Congress. In 1831 he was elected to the Chamber of Representatives of Belgium, but renounced his seat, seeking to rescue his province hit by the flax crisis. He worked internationally for the betterment of deaf children and blind. He returned to the House in 1844 and served until his death.
[19] Osy (Jean-Joseph Renier, Baron) Born January 31, 1792 in Rotterdam of a Belgian family, Baron Osy was during the events of 1830, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Antwerp, director of the Bank of Antwerp and councilor. He was part the deputation to go to London on behalf of the Congress to offer the crown to Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. Member of the House of Representatives from 1831 to 1833 and from 1841 to 1857, he was then elected to the Senate in 1862 and remained there until the end of his life. He died in Deurne-lez Antwerp, June 21, 1866.
[20] Aristide Antoine Brixhe, born in Liège, June 4, 1800 and died February 17, 1863 Ixelles was a Liberal politician. Graduate of the School of Mines, University of Liège, he was an engineer in the Corps des Mines. During the Belgian Revolution of September 1830, Aristide Brixhe was a member of the Committee on Safety of Charleroi, and as Commissioner of the Provisional Government for the same District. He was a member of the parlement and district commissioner at Charleroi.
[21] History of the counties of McKean, Elk, and Forest, Pennsylvania, with biographical selections:
including their early settlement and development; a description of the historic and interesting localities: sketches of their cities, towns and villages ... biographies of representative citizens: outline history of Pennsylvania; statistics ... is a Google book
[22] Taken from “Jefferson County, Pennsylvania - Her Pioneers and People,” Vol. II, by Dr. William James McKnight, published in 1917 by J.H. Beers & Company, Chicago, page 15. http://www.pa-roots.com/cgi-bin/data/jeffersonbiographies.cgi?review=33