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THE APPALACHIAN EXPERIENCE Southern
Appalachia begins with the southern border of Pennsylvania and extends
like a huge thumb into the heart of the South, terminating in northern
Georgia and northeastern Alabama. It includes West Virginia and parts
of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee,
and Kentucky. As Harry Caudill has pointed out, it is one of the richest
regions in natural resources in the world and at the same time has
more poverty in it than any other region in America. Approximately
thirteen million people now living were born in Appalachia. Nine million
are living in the region now, and four million born there have migrated,
mostly to northern industrial cities where they have tended to gather
in ghettos of poverty but, according to observers who live along the
highways leading out of Appalachia, try to get back "down home"
every weekend. Of the thirteen million Appalachians, approximately
94% of them are descended from ancestors who were living along the
border at the time of the American Revolution. It has been estimated
that not more than 30 million of our country's total population of
approximately 220 million are descended through all lines from pre-Revolutionary
American ancestors. Of these, 43% are natives of Appalachia. Appalachian
people, while far from being homogeneous, are much like one another
throughout the region. The Eastern Kentuckian is more like a North
Georgian than he is like a native of the Bluegrass region of his own
state. The North Carolina mountaineer is more like a West Virginian
or an Eastern Kentuckian than he is like a North Carolinian from east
of Greensboro. Not only do Appalachian people think, speak, and act
like one another throughout the Southern Highlands, but they also
look much like one another. The average mountain man is taller than
the average American. Appalachian people more often are blond and
fair of complexion, have blue or gray eyes, balanced facial features
and body proportions, than natives of other sections of the states
in which they live. How
may we account for the Appalachian person? What is his background?
Why is he different? What has been his experience? Hardly anyone who
has acquainted himself with the history of the region and its people
doubts that the "character" of Appalachian people was determined
by the presence of the Scotch-Irish among the early settlers in the
mountain country. They were more numerous than the considerable number
of Germans, Swiss, Huguenots, Welsh, and English. In the process of
border acculturation, others surrendered their own language for the
old-fashioned Northern English dialect spoken by the Scotch-Irish
as they married into the large Scotch-Irish families and accepted
their ways. Thus, the Appalachian experience has been a continued
chapter in the story of the Scotch-Irish experience. The
label of "Scotch-Irish" was given to those migrants from
Northern Ireland who began in ever increasing numbers for over 50
years to arrive in the colonies about 1720. Strictly speaking, they
were neither Irish nor Scots. A more accurate label would have been
Anglo-Celts. However, of those who came, most of them bore Lowland
or Scottish Border family names, many beginning with "Mc"
rather than "Mac". Others had English, Welsh, and Huguenot
names. Only a few had Irish names. Regardless of the name, one who
came from Northern Ireland was called Scotch-Irish, but he identified
himself as "Arsh," as many mountain folk continue to do.
The
story of the Scotch-Irish within historical times began in 55 B. C.
with the invasion of Great Britain by Julius Caesar. The hereditary
leaders of the Britons, who were Celts and of the same stock that
had spread across Europe prior to the rise of the Greek and Roman
civilizations, who escaped murder or capture by the Roman armies fled
northward or westward toward Scotland and Wales. The Scots, struggling
for survival in an inhospitable
highland country beyond the mountain rim, had no room among them for
migrants. The fleeing Celts, unable to get over the rim into the Highlands,
hid and later settled as small farmers in the hilly country along
the Scottish Border. Far removed by blood kinship from the Scots,
also the Celts who had moved over from Ireland to the rugged hills
and mountains centuries before, these newcomers to the Border were
resented and often attacked by the fierce Highland clans. The Romans,
finding Scotland of little value, considered it not worth conquering
and built a wall across Great Britain to prevent the "Picts",
or pointed-headed Scots, people with pin-heads, long noses, thin upper
lips, and lantern jaws from raiding Northern England. The Romans occupied
England for over 400 years. In the meantime the descendants of the
former hereditary rulers struggled with the inhospitable climate and
sterile land north of Hadrian's Wall and suffered depredation and
outrage from the Picts who swept over the lands from time to time
robbing, murdering, and destroying crops and homes. As the
Roman legions were withdrawn from still Celtic Britain in the fifth
century, struggles for power within the country kept it weak. Soon
it was invaded again, this time by the Germanic Angles and Saxons.
Again, those who occupied positions of hereditary leadership fled
northward and joined their kinsmen along the Scottish Border. Few
of the peasants, who belonged to the land as did the sticks and the
stones, fled. The Anglo-Saxons
reached the height of their civilization in the reign of King Alfred
at the end of the ninth century and knew relative peace and contentment
for over two hundred and fifty years before a political entrepreneur,
William of Orange, known as the Conqueror, the illegitimate son of
a prince by a shoemaker's daughter, gathered an army of adventurers
and cutthroats, sailed across the English Channel and defeated the
Saxon armies at the Battle of Hastings in 1066. Again, those people
of importance who feared for their lives, fled toward Scotland, this
time people with Germanic blood in their veins, and joined their predecessors
on the Border. Many Welsh princes and dukes, dispossessed by the Conqueror,
also fled to the Border. Also joining
those along the Scottish Border were Scandinavians from the northeast
coast of England who fled ahead of other Scandinavian raiders and
conquerors. These "fragments of forgotten people," predominately
Celtic, mixed and melded into a common type in the struggle to survive
in a land sandwiched between the bloody- lusty Scots lairds to the
treacherous English lords to the south. Following an open-country
mode of settlement, they were independent and fiercely proud freemen
possessing small holdings. They learned that neither the Scots nor
the English could be trusted in the sometimes bitter contentions for
power that finally led to the union of England and Scotland under
one monarch. Often caught in the cross-fire of Border feuds, they
came in time to distrust constituted authority. Their distrust was
so deeply a part of their view of the manner in which men are governed
that their descendants in Appalachia today are likely not to place
much faith in state government and those who represent it nor in "that
courthouse crowd" in the county seat. When introduced
to John Calvin's Institutes of Religion in the sixteenth century,
the Scottish Border people found in Calvin's harsh doctrines an interpretation
of man's relationship to man and God congenial to their experience.
That man is in the image of God and deserving of respect for that
image caressed their personal independence and pride. That man is
depraved and unworthy of God's grace they did not find it necessary
to look far to see. The fatalism that had become a part of them was
easily translated into the doctrines of predestination and election.
God's sovereignty they could respect and the supreme authority of
the Scriptures they could accept as inquiring persons in their own
individual rights but not from a prince as the arbiter of sacred matters.
The promise that God elected in his grace and predestined at the creation
a few unworthy mortals to share eternal bliss with Him offered more
felicity than had been the lot of the Borderers on earth. Small wonder
that they should have become the most ardent supporters of the Protestant
Reformation in the British Isles. Their enthusiasm
for reform soon marked them as trouble-makers. They met in defiance
of authority. They set up secret printing presses and assailed their
literate countrymen with pamphlets supporting extreme measures that
threatened the Established Church of England and enraged the Highland
Scots, who remained sympathetic with Rome. Queen Elizabeth I and Archbishop
Whitgift organized a far-flung secret service to flush out the rabid
dissenters, destroy their printing presses, arrest their leaders,
and burn their seditious publications. Following
the defection of the Earl of Tyrone to Catholicism and his flight
to France, it was decided about the time that Jamestown was being
settled in Virginia that Northern Ireland would be cleared of its
Catholic population and resettled by the Borderers and those of similar
religious stance, who could be depended upon not to compromise with
the Catholic Irish. The Border Scots were promised land and titles.
Thousands moved to Ireland, along with disaffected Welsh and people
from the northern counties of England. Highland Scots, still sympathetic
with Catholicism and their Irish cousins, and English from the southern
counties, passive in religious disputes and comfortable in the Anglican
Church, were not to be trusted in Northern Ireland. The Scots
who removed to Ireland prospered. They carried with them to a colony-like
situation, their Border culture, which included a great body of popular
ballads, folk music, dance, proverbial lore, superstitions that might
have been rooted in ancient Druidism, a manner of speaking, and an
old-fashioned Northern English dialect about a hundred years in development,
or about half way between Chaucer and Shakespeare, behind that of
centers of polite society in Southern England. Clever in making do
with what lay at hand, they were frugal and industrious. They carried
with them to their new home, skills in agriculture, animal husbandry,
and woodwork, leather making, metal work, textiles and making excellent
whiskey in pot stills. In their new land, the earth responded to their
husbandry and they developed the finest textile industries in Europe.
Permitted also to have their own Presbyterian churches, they established
schools attended by both sexes and taught by the university-trained
ministry, for they believed that it is incumbent upon one, male or
female, to learn to read the Scriptures in search of truth, to write,
and, since man lives in a practical world, to cipher. Their schools
became the model for American public schools after they arrived in
the colonies. Accustomed
to hilly country and lovers of animals, they followed the open settlement
pattern of the Scottish Border and built homes within clusters of
out-buildings settled comfortably in dales and valleys, as they had
done in Great Britain. The architecture of homes was essentially the
same as that along the Border, including oblong rooms with fireplaces
at the end. Although
the English did not keep their promise to give them hereditary titles
and tried from time to time to bring them into the Established Church,
they nevertheless flourished for a century. Then the London merchants,
jealous of their textile industries, exerted pressures to have such
high taxes imposed upon them that the industries were killed and the
people were reduced to poverty. Families were large and the population
had grown beyond the capacity of the land to support it. To compound
their problems, potato famines came and left them hungry. Although
their educational system had made them literate, and many of them
were theologians, teachers and classical scholars, they found it necessary
in the early years of the eighteenth century to leave for America,
most of them as "redemptioners" for they did not have money
needed to pay for passage. In the
colonies they found good land along the coast already taken up, so
as they met the terms of their indentures, sometimes by tutoring in
the homes of the well to do, for they appear to have been the best
educated large mass of migrants ever to come to America, they moved
in search of land to the western border, sometimes carrying with them
into the wilderness copies of Greek and Roman classics in the original
language and the English poets in leather bindings. Most of them entered
through ports in the Middle Atlantic States, and large numbers of
them moved to the western Pennsylvania border. Because treaties with
the Indians restricted white settlement to lands east of the Appalachian
Mountains and the French were continuing to hold the Ohio Valley,
the so-called "Scotch-Irish" began in the 1730's to move
southward in a steady stream into Virginia, the Carolina's , and Georgia.
Finding the good lands in the Valley of Virginia already occupied
by German religious dissenters who had also moved out of Pennsylvania,
the Scotch-Irish either settled in mountain coves and high meadows
along the valley or pushed on through the Dark Hollow (near Mt. Airy,
North Carolina) toward Salisbury, from whence they moved into the
hilly country east of the Blue Ridge to claim land and build homes.
It has
been estimated that as many as 200,000 Scotch-Irish came to America
prior to 1775 and that they increased their numbers to 600,000 by
the time the American Revolution began. The total population of the
original thirteen colonies did not exceed three and a half million
by 1775. Thus, one of every five or six colonials was Scotch-Irish,
a high percentage for easy assimilation into the older population
groups. Well suited
by disposition, native shrewdness, and hardihood for pioneering, the
Scotch-Irish were welcome buffers between the older English settlements
along the coast and the Indians in the mountains. In effect, they
became a second line of colonies between the coastal settlements and
the mountains. They learned much from the Indians, including their
methods of warfare. They resented the high taxes imposed by the colonial
governments, for they lived largely in a subsistence economy and bartered
skins and pelts and products of the forest for those things they could
not produce for themselves. When Governor Tryon's tax-gatherers in
the colony of North Carolina went among them they were rejected and
abused. The Regulators were defeated in 1771 in a battle with Tryon's
forces at Alamance. Following the battle, many of the Regulators moved
as far west as they were permitted to move. Hungry
from lands and freedom from the tax-gatherers, the Scotch-Irish backwoodsmen
of Virginia and North Carolina, in defiance of treaties with the Indians,
bought land themselves from the Cherokees and established in 1772
the Watauga Association, the first English-speaking governmental entity
independent of Great Britain. They set up in the wilderness "over
the mountains" and with the first wave of settlers a democratic
form of government based on the Articles of the Watauga Association,
in effect actually the first "declaration of independence,"
for neither colonial Virginia nor colonial North Carolina would accept
their Settlements. Later the Watauga Settlements became the State
of Franklin, which with John Sevier as President, behaved much like
a sovereign state. When the
American Revolution came, the Scotch-Irish, with their many grievances
against the British government, joined the colonial armies in great
numbers. Residents of the State of Franklin, referred to as Overmountain
Men, and those of like mind in the upper Piedmont and hills of Virginia,
the Carolinas, and Georgia, rose nobly to the patriot cause when the
British brought the War to the South in 1780. The disastrous defeat
of Patrick Ferguson's army at King's Mountain on October 7, 1780 was
the knockout blow that led ultimately to Cornwallis's surrender at
Yorktown a year later. Thus, the mountaineers, dressed in their coonskin
caps, fringed shirts and buckskin pants, did for the patriot cause
near the end of the Revolutionary War what the Minute Men had done
at Lexington and Concord at its beginning. Following
the Revolution, the Scotch-Irish soldiers from the Piedmont and the
hills east of the Blue Ridge claimed their land bounties in the mountains
as the land was made available for settlement and in time spread throughout
Appalachia. Although they were joined by others, it was the Scotch-Irish
who determined the character of mountain folk and shaped their culture,
a culture that stems from origins different from those of the Plantation
South surrounding Appalachia. One of the tragedies of Appalachia,
parceled out as it is among southern states, is that the South has
not been willing to admit that culturally, socially and politically
Appalachia is not a part of the South. At first overwhelmingly Presbyterian
in religion, the rural mountain folk abandoned the Presbyterian churches
for old line Baptist and Methodist persuasions following the evangelistic
revivals along the mountain border in the early 1800's, but their
descendants have retained the Calvinistic doctrines of their ancestors
even into the present generation. The Scotch-Irish
did not believe in slavery, a position that had characterized their
remote Celtic ancestors, but isolated mountain communities far from
markets and centers of commerce were not suited for plantation life
in any case. The grandsons of many of the sons of Virginia planters
who had established plantations in wide river valley in Appalachia
had either freed or sold their slaves before the Civil War began,
for slavery had not been profitable in the mountains. But mountain
folk in the mass had done well. They had established schools, retained
their literacy, and related themselves in comfortable ways to the
land on which they lived in the open settlement pattern of their ancestors.
Basically "country people", Appalachian folk, had few towns
and cities of any size. Travelers through the mountains, however,
reported that there was more evidence of culture, industry, and even
gracious living among mountain folk than there was among the average
of plantation owners in Alabama and Mississippi. Generally,
the mountaineers shared neither the culture not the concerns of the
plantation South. They had helped to forge a new nation in which they
had enjoyed for three generations, more freedom and independence that
their ancestors had known for a thousand years, and they had rushed
to the support of that nation in the War of 1812 and the War with
Mexico. It is not surprising that when the Civil War came, large numbers
of mountain men refused to join the armies of the Confederacy and
either hid in cliffs and caves in the mountains or slipped through
the forests at night and joined Union armies in East Tennessee or
Kentucky. That mountain folk were supporting the Union was not generally
understood during the War by either the North or the South. By the
time political power in the South had been restored to antebellum
leadership following the Period of Reconstruction, however, the position
the mountain men had taken was known. Although they had not supported
Abraham Lincoln for president in 1860, they joined the ranks of the
Republican Party and supported him in 1864, thereby becoming political
minorities in states controlled by the Democratic Party. From the
point of view of Southerners, the mountaineers had been traitors to
the "noble cause." Prostrated
in anguish and poverty, the South was unwilling to share any of its
meager benefits with the traitorous mountain folk. Such road funds
and "literary" funds as the states sharing Appalachia had
were spent to reward the faithful. Mountain folk, unable to pay taxes
on land of little value and with no other tax base, could no longer
support schools. Roads became worse than they had ever been. In many
mountain counties, schools that closed in 1861 did not open again
for twenty-five years. As population continued to grow in the hills,
poverty and illiteracy increased. By 1890 up to 90% of Appalachian
people could not read or write. Animosities generated by the confrontation
of two sets of "home guards" and by their depredations and
raids inflamed the feud spirit. Upwards of 200 feuds had developed
in the region by 1900. Echos of
the bloody feuds reverberated across the nation. Writers and newspaper
reporters came gathering information about them. Mountain folk, unacquainted
with the word feud, referred to the vendettas as "troubles"
or "wars", but seldom revealed any knowledge of them to
outsiders. Unable to learn much about the feuds, writers turned to
the old-fashioned mountain folk themselves as subjects for their quaint
journalism. They reported the crude pioneer conditions in the mountains;
the social habits, manners and behavior patterns of the archaic people
who lived there; the religious beliefs and practices of the hardline
church congregations, the curious dialect spoken in the region, and
the poverty, health problems, and illiteracy of the over-crowded population
struggling for survival in a subsistence economy. Moved by
compassion and pity for the mountain folk who had fated their doom
by supporting the Union during the Civil War, church leaders in the
North declared the "Appalachian South" a missionary region,
thereby identifying it as a geographical entity apart from the "South"
and relegating it to a colonial status, the first of many ruinous
efforts in Appalachia. Up to 200 church-related "collegiate institutes"
had been established throughout the region by the time the mountain
counties were able to maintain their own public high schools in the
1920's. Literature used in the appeals for the financial support of
the "institutes" often magnified and emphasized poverty,
ignorance, immorality, disease, and degeneracy in the over-populated
and deeply isolated coves and hollows. Over selectiveness of material
for public relations of the institutes, together with quaint journalism
and the overblown fiction of sentimental "realists," effectively
established stereotypes, more caricature than real, or mountain folk
that have survived even into our own generation. The missionaries,
dedicated and capable, brought enlightenment and aid to people no
longer able to help themselves. Many thousands of Appalachian young
people received education that proceeded from a base of rejection
of their Appalachian identity to preparation for life as successful
middle class people outside the region, for the education they received
qualified them for jobs that did not exist in the mountains. Methods
of instruction began with rejection of hard-shell religion, mountain
music, country dance, oral traditions. Appalachian speech and manners,
and the Appalachian identity. The teachers, mostly from the North,
proceeding from the assumption that only they spoke correct English,
excoriated mountain boys and girls who spoke the Appalachian dialect.
Thus, in time, mountain people came to feel ashamed of their traditions
and to resist the incursion of outsiders who might laugh at their
old-fashioned ways and write unpleasant things about them. By the
time institutes were fairly well established, other invasions had
begun. Industrialists from the outside, including ruined plantation
owners from the South and Northern and British capitalists, began
to buy timber rights and broad deeds for mineral deposits for an infinitesimal
fraction of their worth from illiterate landowners to whom every fifty
cents an acre seemed like wealth. By working in collusion with political
leaders from outside the mountainous regions of the states that share
Appalachia and by corrupting county governments, the outsiders were
successful in preventing the imposition of local taxes on minerals
extracted or timber removed that might have supported educational
and social programs in the counties being exploited. The industrialists
invaded Appalachia and exploited it as if it were a colony imbedded
within the nation itself and left its people demoralized and in poverty.
Until the
1930's most of those who spoke for and wrote about Appalachia were
outsiders. Tending to present in stereotypes the visible aspects of
mountain folk, their homes and institutions, they represented spittle-
bearded mountain folk, as dressing in homespun, carrying long-barrel
rifles and toting jugs of moonshine whiskey, living in log cabins,
engaging in feuds, and speaking the prototypical dialect long after
such things were representative. Beginning with such native writers
as Jesse Stuart, James Still, and Harriette Arnow, Appalachian folk
began to be presented as real persons with cultural identities, traditions,
problems, and concerns that are peculiarly their own. Individuals
rather than pasteboard cutouts, characters rather than caricatures,
occupy the stage, no longer hung with those strings of shucky-beans
and festoons of pepperpods that were the perennial props of the outsiders
who wrote about us. In recent
years we have as a nation become concerned about our subculture. Our
media threatened to destroy our dialects and reduce our national speech
to that strident nasal inflection, sometimes touted as the Great American
Dialect, spoken by people of the Midwest. Our American grammar provided
few options for the rich, colorful idiom of some of our sub-cultures.
Rhetorical styles of Appalachian oral traditions became an endangered
species. Cultural traditions of our mountain folk were becoming subsumed
by television culture. Our school curricula, established by and dictated
from central offices in our states, were providing no room for cultural
pluralism. Now, that
cultural pluralism has been recognized and accepted, we are in position
to save our culture, to learn and write our history, to define our
identity, to write our own books, compose our own music, develop our
own art, solve our own social problems, manage our own institutions,
and build our own economy. We can achieve these things best, not as
the Appalachian South but as Appalachia, and not as a people subservient
to the outside exploiter or the greed-impelled Judas within our own
ranks but as Appalachians who have risen from out long fast int he
mountains, the agony of our neglect and abuse, and the sharp thorns
of perfidy that have been our anguish, and are now shaking our hides
and flexing our muscles as we reach for the control box that determines
our destiny. Pages 1 to 9
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