This is the TENTH page of John BLANKENBAKER's series of Short Notes on GERMANNA History, which were originally posted to the GERMANNA_COLONIES Discussion List. Each page contains 25 Notes.
GERMANNA History Notes Page 10 |
Nr. 226:
Willis Kemper seems to have been bothered by the fact that the Second
Germanna Colony did not relocate to the neighborhood of the First Second
Colony. The reason he concocted to explain this is false.
The First Colony left Fort Germanna, probably in the month of January in the
year 1719 (NS) and moved to Stafford County, which became a part of Prince
William County later and is now Fauquier County, all in Virginia. They
bought land from Lady Fairfax (though the grant was confirmed by her son,
Lord Fairfax, after her death). The location became the best known
Germantown in Virginia but is now identified as the location of Crocker
Park. The Second Colony left their home in New Germantown (the "New" was to
distinguish it from the "Old" which was Fort Germanna itself). This original
home was in modern Culpeper Co. on the Rapidan River about two miles
upstream from Fort Germanna. They moved to the upper reaches of the Robinson
River in what is now Madison Co.
Since the Second Colony did not move to the neighborhood of the established
First Colony, Mr. Kemper sought a reason. To quote him from the Genealogy of
the Kemper Family,
The quotation used by Kemper refers to an advertisement in Europe seeking a
minister to serve both the First and Second Colony in common.
A second quotation from Willis Kemper goes,
In writing about what historians had said about the Germans, Kemper writes,
These false statements, now over a hundred years old, have prejudiced the
study of our Germanna people. They have prevented an objective analysis of
the situation. There are at least two good reasons that the Second Colony
did not join the First Colony, neither of which has anything to do with
religion. The next note will explore these.
Nr. 227:
Willis Kemper said the reason for the geographical split in the first two
Germanna Colonies was that they were antagonistic toward each other because
of the religious differences. Why he even felt there must be a reason is a
mystery, though he does show a tendency to display a "chip on his shoulder."
In any case the reason that he invented is a complete fabrication.
After the First Colony left Fort Germanna and before the Second Colony left,
legislation was passed by the House of Burgesses in Virginia and approved by
the Council and Governor which created two new counties, Spotsylvania and
Brunswick. As a part of this, land was free in the two new counties for ten
years. Thus the Second Colony could use an advantage that was not available
to the First Colony members when they moved. They could obtain free land in
the new counties. At the time the legislation was passed, the new county of
Spotsylvania included all of the present counties of Spotsylvania, Orange,
Culpeper, Madison, and Rappahannock.
The First Colony was outside this area in the lands of the Northern Neck
which belonged to the Fairfaxes. Had the Second Colony moved to the region
where the First Colony was living, it would have been necessary to buy the
land from Thomas Lord Fairfax. By staying within Spotsylvania County, the
land was free. Our ancestors tended to be a thrifty lot.
There was another problem with moving to Germantown. The land around
Germantown was quickly taken up. In one fell swoop, "King" Carter took a
large patent on three sides of Germantown which made it difficult to settle
next to Germantown. This lack of land forced the First Colony, in seeking an
expansion for their growing families, to go beyond Germantown. Principally
they went in two directions, to the north on lands not yet sold by Lord
Fairfax or across the Hedgman River (also known as the North River or as the
North Fork of the Rappahannock). In the latter case, the region is known as
the Little Fork which I discussed a few notes ago. Jacob Holtzclaw obtained
a patent for several hundred acres here in 1729 which was free because the
time limit on free land had not expired.
Also, about this same time period, John Hoffman took a land patent on the
Robinson River amongst the Second Colony people. He was not averse to mixing
with them; in fact, he took his second wife from among them.
Early colonial history is replete with examples of cooperation between the
Lutherans and Reformed church members. They tended to build one church
building in common and to share the use of it. When problems did break out,
the root cause was not the difference in religion, it was a case of personal
attitudes and feelings.
The cause of the separation of the First and Second Germanna Colonies was,
first, economic, and second, unavailability of land. There is no reason to
ascribe any differences of opinion to religion.
Nr. 228:
I quoted statements from Willis Kemper in recent notes, without commentary,
even though there were erroneous statements embedded in them. First, I would
like to correct these comments.
Mr. Kemper said that the Second Colony moved into the Northern Neck. At the
time of the move, this area was not considered to be a part of the Northern
Neck. Only after the boundaries of the Northern Neck were clarified in
England in the mid-1740's, was this area known as a part of the Fairfax
domain, i.e., the Northern Neck. But it would be unfair to say as of the
time of the move that it was the Northern Neck.
A reference was made to the joint appeal of the First and Second Colonies in
Germany which stated they needed assistance. This was about 1720 and the
appeal is usually associated with Zollicoffer who carried the message to
Germany. Kemper assumes this appeal was, to some degree, successful, and
that some money was raised. He goes on to say,
First, there is absolutely no evidence that the Zollicoffer appeal raised
any money. Hebron Church was not built until 1740, twenty years after
Zollicoffer. The fund raising in 1734 to 1738 for this is well documented
and the original book of the contributors (most, at least) still exists.
This fund raising was entirely done by the Second Colony, as augmented by
several new immigrants, and none of the proceeds were intended for the First
Colony. The organ was purchased (in Lititz, Pennsylvania) in 1802, so it is a
stretch to say that it was contributed by European friends.
In quoting Rev. Jones, (p. 29 of the Kemper Genealogy), Kemper takes a
sentence from one paragraph which talks about the Second Colony and merges
it into a paragraph which talks about the First Colony. This has confused
historians.
At another point, Kemper says that the Kollicoffer advertisement referred to
all of the Germans living at Germantown on the Rappahannock. Kemper faults
the writers of the petition saying that they meant Germanna, not Germantown.
Actually, the one individual who wrote more about Germanna than anyone, John
Fontaine, called the place Germantown more often than he called it Germanna.
He does use both names showing that it was the same place, but it is clear
that Germanna was known also as Germantown. And to distinguish the home of
the Second Colony people, it was called by Spotswood (or at least his
agents) New Germantown. Thus, the name of Germantown is not unique in
Virginia history. There is no question that this has confused the
interpretation of history but we can hardly correct what was said almost
three centuries ago.
Nr. 229:
There is a point on which I believe that Willis Kemper has been given a bum
rap. If my memory is correct, he wrote that Rev. H�ger of the First Germanna
Colony did not move north to Germantown with the rest of the First Colony
members. He came later according to Kemper.
This thought seems strange to observers but there are two good reasons that
it very well may have been true. Consider the age and health of Rev. H�ger
in 1719, the year that I believe the group moved. He was 75 years old. Six
years earlier, when he was still in the Siegen area, he was retired because
of ill health. The need in 1719 at Germantown was for labor to clear land,
build temporary shelters, and then more permanent homes. He could contribute
nothing to this activity. In fact, had he been present, he would have been a
net drain on the resources of the colony. He could help most by staying
away. It was perhaps several months or even a few years before a home was
built for H�ger and a church was built.
Second, he may have had a job at Germanna as an employee of Alexander
Spotswood. The area around Germanna constituted the old St. George's parish,
which was set up as a German parish. It extended for five miles around
Germanna. If the Germans living in this area had a minister, they were
exempt from the payment of tithes since they were supporting their own
minister.
When there were indentured servants, it was normally the master who paid the
tithe. Since Spotswood had paid something on the transportation of the First
Colony members, it could have been argued that he would have been
responsible for the tithes. One way of skirting around this question was to
have legislation passed which exempted the Germans. The question might have
arisen again with the Second Colony members. To avoid the tithes, it was
necessary to have a minister for them. Spotswood might have seen it would be
cheaper to hire a minister than to pay the tithes.
So it seems to me that Kemper may have been correct when he said that Rev.
H�ger did not move with the rest of the colony. I think it is very probable
that he did not.
Kemper implies that the establishment of the old St. George's parish (for
the Germans) was an act of favoritism on the part of Spotswood toward the
First Colony folk. I think a better interpretation is that it was an act of
favoritism on the part of Spotswood toward Rev. H�ger. He was biased in that
direction.
Nr. 230:
I found the quotation, which I could not quote yesterday, pertaining to Rev.
H�ger's move to Germantown. Backing up though, Willis Kemper used the notes
of Rev. James Kemper, a grandson of the immigrant, John Kemper. These notes
were never published as an entity by themselves. Willis Kemper used them in
his book.
James Kemper was born at Cedar Grove, in Fauquier County, Virginia, in 1753.
When he was thirty years old, he migrated with his family to East Tennessee
and within a couple of years went on to Kentucky. In Kentucky he studied
theology and was licensed in the Presbyterian church in 1791. He remained
active in the work of the church until his death in 1834.
James Kemper wrote,
"My grandfather in his reflections on the severity of the
government of his country, and the vast differences between
that and the liberties enjoyed in America, . . . resolved
to embark for the New World.
"Their minister in Germany, who, though he did not come with
them, [the reference seems to be to the move to Germantown]
soon followed; his name was H�ger. They were Presbyterians,
and soon raised a house for public worship...."
James Kemper also wrote,
"I spoke a dialect of the German language as used in my father's
house fluently, till I was ten or twelve years old, but have
now almost entirely lost it."
There is some uncertainty as to whether James Kemper was referring to the
emigration to Virginia and/or to the move to Germantown when he says Rev.
H�ger came later. But it seems that the inclusion of Rev. H�ger in the
group's move to Virginia is certain. Most likely the reference is to the
Germantown move. For the reasons that I gave in the last note, it is
probably correct that Rev. H�ger did not move with the group.
Nr. 231:
[With the special activities this week, there will be no more "notes" until
next week.]
In the Second Germanna Colony, there were three brothers and one sister, named Blankenbaker, who came as adult members of the group. Actually, this does not exhaust all of the members of this family, as there were also parents and half-siblings. First I will take the remaining brother, after his siblings Balthasar Blankenbaker, Matthias Blankenbaker, and Anna Maria Blankenbaker, who have been mentioned here. This was Hans Niclas Blanckenb�hler, born 2 Jan 1682, as recorded in the church records for Neuenb�rg, then a part of the lands belonging to the bishops of Speyer. Hans Niclas' (Johann Nicholas) parents were Johann Thomas Blanckenb�hler and Anna Barbara Sch�n.
The two above birth events were in Neuenb�rg (a small village, now in Baden). Later in Virginia, more children were born (order of birth of these is unknown):
The will of John (Johann) Nicholas was written 10 August 1743, with a codicil on the next day (probated in September). His wife Apollonia was still living, who
would certainly appear to be his only wife. He appointed Zacharias, his son,
and Jacob Broyles to serve as executors. He called Jacob his dear friend
without noting that Jacob was his brother-in-law.
Reports that Jacob (#5) was married three times, seem ill founded and
without any evidence. On the contrary, the only evidence was a misreading of a will. Ursula was reported to have married a John Broyles but it is now
known that this was not true. (Please return to the BROYLES/
BRILES Family History home page for a discussion of the erroneous assumption that "Ursula BLANKENBAKER" was a wife of John BROYLES,
and of the fallacy of a "second" John BROYLES.)
Descendants of John (Johann) Nicholas have spelled the surname in several ways, with Blankenbeker, Blankenbecler, and Blankenbeckler being some of the choices
(there were others also).
(German research on the Blanckenb�hler family was done by Margaret James Squires.)
Nr. 232:
In driving home to Pennsylvania after Thanksgiving Day in Atlanta, we
decided to take an entirely different route to vary the scenery. On the way
down we had passed through countryside to which many of the Germanna people
had moved. It was with regret that I noted I did not know more about the
physical land, the political boundaries, and the lives of these individuals.
On another trip, to an area that had involved parts of the old Rowan County,
North Carolina, I had been amazed when my host took me on a tour of the old
German churches. Every time one delves a little deeper, it seems that
one learns more.
In coming home, we decided on an entirely different route which duplicated
nothing of the trip down. It is worthwhile to spend a little extra effort
and to see more and to learn more. From Atlanta, we went up to Chattanooga
and through Knoxville. The road continued on to southwest Virginia, through
Wytheville, Roanoke, Lexington and on into the Shenandoah Valley. We
continued on toward Harrisburg in Pennsylvania and then came back down to
Chadds Ford which is almost at Wilmington, Delaware.
In Greene County, TN, I believe we were passing through Broyles and Willheit
country and umpteen other Germanna family outlets from Virginia. In
southwest Virginia we passed through the land of Zacharias Blankenbeckler.
One can see that I certainly felt at home. One asks, "I wonder what it was
like here late in the eighteenth century?"
As we came to Staunton, VA, we decided to stop at the Museum of American
Frontier Culture. They advise allowing two hours to visit. Even though the
day was drizzly and cool, we were there more than two and one-half hours so
you can see the kind of impression it made on us. We recommend a stop there
if you pass by. If you are just coming close, a detour to the site is
recommended.
The main attraction at the Museum is four farms, one from Germany, one from
Ulster, one from England and a more modern blend of American architecture.
When I say "from Germany, etc.", I literally mean that. They found a
building complex in Germany including a home, barn and tobacco shed and
packed it up and brought it along. The building dates to 1688 and is
important because it shows the influence of German architecture that the
Germans would have brought.
The Ulster building is from Northern Ireland, the home of the Scotch-Irish.
This building was typical of Scotland and Ireland in the eighteenth century.
The English building dates to 1630 and is typical of late seventeenth
century architecture.
The American farm is more modern as it dates only to 1835. It was from
Botetourt County.
Besides the physical buildings, there are interpretive guides who act the
roles of the persons living in the building. Because the day was miserable
weatherwise, there were few other visitors. This meant more time was
available to spend with the guides though. Perhaps one of the strongest
conclusions that I reached was that life could be very uncomfortable.
Getting warm using only a small fireplace is not easy. Especially when the
wind is blowing through the cracks.
Nr. 233:
We take transportation for granted today. Someone to whom I was talking
recently recounted how they had driven 1700 miles in order to have
Thanksgiving Day with their family. We forget how difficult it was to travel
in days of yore, when a trip today to the opposite coast is only a few hours
of flying or a few days of driving for us. Contrast this with the weeks or
even months our ancestors spent in crossing the Atlantic, or the few months
spent on the Westward trail.
Some trips in the eighteenth century were not finished in the year in which
they were started. A family might start out from Pennsylvania and stop in
Virginia for the winter and perhaps another year to grow crops.
Where there was the easier transportation, the first development occurred.
In Virginia, the first settlements were along the rivers, the Potomac, the
Rappahannock, the James, and the York Rivers. Civilization in the first
century proceeded inland as far as ships could sail. In other colonies, the
Delaware and the Hudson Rivers attracted civilizations along their shores.
When river access reached its limits, limited roads were built. But usually,
settlement came first and then the roads came. When the First Germanna
Colony settled at Germantown, they reached the site by walking, probably
following trails used by the Indians. Then they built roads. The Second
Germanna Colony was entrenched in the Robinson River Valley before roads
reached the area. As to how difficult it was to travel in the early
eighteenth century, one has only to read John Fontaine's description of the
expedition, in 1716, over the Blue Ridge Mountains.
What determined where roads were built? Several factors influenced the
choice. Most roads originated with a petition by the settlers to the county
courts for roads. They wanted roads that reached their homes and then
reached commercial outlets for the goods they were selling and buying. Many
times, a mill was one terminus, or a point along the road. So usually the
pattern of settlement and commercial activity was the primary influence. As
to the course that a road took, it was influenced by geographical factors
such as hills and waterways.
In physically laying out a road, which often involved clearing trees and
leveling ground, an existing trail was often the basis. Very commonly, these
had been laid out and used by the Indians, perhaps for centuries. Many of
our early roads were an elaboration of the early Indian trails.
To give an example from Pennsylvania, the Hans Herr party landed at
Philadelphia in 1710 and paused there only long enough to ask where there
was land for sale. To the west they were told. They went as far as they
could using the available roads. As civilization thinned out, the roads
became poorer until they were essentially non-existent. Then they followed
Indian trails until they were past the bounds of civilization. Their
settlement and the like settlement of others were the impetus for building
roads.
Nr. 234:
Traveling north recently over Interstate 81 led me to think more about the
roads that many of our ancestors used.
To further my education, I invested
in a book by Parke Rouse, Jr., called "The Great Wagon Road", on the cover of
which it also has the phrases, 'From Philadelphia to the South' and 'How
Scotch-Irish and Germanics Settled the Uplands.'
The Great Wagon Road left Philadelphia in a westerly direction and ran
through the communities with large German populations in Lancaster, York,
Montgomery, Berks, Lebanon and, Adams. This is the flattest part of
Pennsylvania and the path of least resistance was diverted to the south by
the Blue Hills which are an extension of the Appalachian Mountains. Across
the necks of today's West Virginia and Maryland on an easy route, the road
reached northern Virginia. The road split then into routes on the west and
east of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Technically, the Great Wagon Road ran on
the west of the Blue Ridge Mountains into the upper Shenandoah Valley and on
into hills of southwest Virginia. It was the population pressures of
Pennsylvania in the early eighteenth century that started settlers of all
nationalities along this road. Later in the century, the Pennsylvanians were
joined by the Marylanders and Virginians.
Before the Great Wagon Road was a road, it was a heavily traveled path used
by the Indians from New York to the Carolinas. There were several purposes
to which the Indians put the trails. One was intertribal trading. Another
was hunting. Perhaps as important, it was the means by which the Iroquois
confederation of nations exerted their dominance up and down the east coast.
But for whatever reason they used the forest trails, the Indians found the
best routes.
To keep some perspective on the number of people, it is estimated that the
Five Nations of Indians ranged from 5,000 to 15,000. The Five Nations ended
their internal struggles and fighting and united against the other tribes.
Their forays ranged from their home ground in upper New York to the regions
later known as Georgia and Alabama to the south and Ohio in the west.
Depending upon the time, one might one remain for an extended period on the
Great Road and not see an Indian. Another day though might show a party of
hundreds of Indians.
Initially, the routes south from New York spread over many paths. By the
early 1700's, the growth of European population east of the Blue Ridge led
to a desire for separation of the Indians and Europeans. Gov. Spotswood, in
conferences with the Five Nations Indians, sought and obtained their
agreement to remain on the west side of the Blue Ridge. This led to a period
of peace along the Warriors' Path. But after 1722, the date of the
conference, white men began to use the Warriors' Path and thus started the
process of converting it into the Great Wagon Road.
Nr. 235:
Thom Faircloth asked a good question, "What were the roads like that we have
been talking about?" At the beginning, they were trails. When traversed by
humans, not much improvement was needed as a person is very adept and can
overcome many obstacles by his skills. When horses were used, little
additional improvement was needed, perhaps some widening. When wagons
entered the flow along the road, definite improvements were needed. Trees
had to be cut to widen the road, some of the roughest spots had to be
smoothed out.
But after all was said and done, the surface was still dirt and the tree
stumps remained. The wagons rolled over the stumps. The tools that
were used were the axe, the spade and the pickax (used for loosing up soil and rocks
and for prying up roots). To quote Charles Teeter in a similar situation,
"The pick and the shovel were frequently brought into use to grade down the
sides of deep gutters (gullies) so that they might be crossed." He
additionally says that the shovel and the pickax were the two tools that
have done more toward developing the West (in the nineteenth century) than
all others combined. But still, as you may imagine, little work was invested
into the roads because the people doing the "investing" were not going to
reap any rewards after they got their party or their wagon through.
So initially the roads were minimal, with unimproved surfaces. I have some
personal experience with the conditions of such roads. I was born in
Oklahoma in the first part of this century on a farm which was accessed by a
dirt road. Periodically, the dirt was leveled or smoothed out to fill in the
holes. But holes and ruts developed with regularity, especially after the
rains which loosened or softened the soil. Then attempts to use the road by
car, wagon, or tractor, would create ruts that were axle deep. Progress
became next to impossible. Pity the poor mailman trying to make his rounds.
He often found that the best roads were through the pastures or farmland.
Back in eighteenth century Virginia, rolling roads were used to get the
tobacco to market. Very large casks, I believe about 800 pounds with tobacco
was typical, were used. Imagine oversized barrels made of wood. The tobacco
was packed into them firmly to relieve the stress on the cask. The barrel
was tipped on its side and an axle was fashioned through the barrel. Shafts
were fixed to the axle and the cask was pulled by animals, probably oxen.
The road had to be a good road if the barrel was to survive the trip. It
needed to be smooth so that the cask would not be destroyed or punctured by
rocks and tree stumps. It needed to be dry to keep the tobacco dry. The road
had to be reasonably level so the animals could pull it uphill and avoid be
run over by the cask on the down slopes. So the economic necessity of
getting the goods to market forced the best roads to be the tobacco rolling
roads.
Overall, the state of the roads was primitive. Their design prevented travel
many weeks during the year. Any one road would evolve toward something
better as more people worked on it. To carry heavier loads, some surfacing
was desirable but it was expensive. Later, to help with these expenses,
tolls were charged. Perhaps the best image to have in one's mind is the
picture of the two ruts of the Oregon Trail as it crossed the prairie. That
was a typical road. In Virginia, I have visited the ruins of a road where
the road bed has sunk or eroded so deeply into the earth that a wagon on the
road would not be visible from a short distance away. You might say the
early roads were a concept, not a reality.
Nr. 236:
Elke Hall's suggestion of visiting the Great Wagon Road through the eyes of
the Moravians was a good idea. It was so good that I am going to horn in
with another Moravian contribution.
In 1743, two Moravians, Leonhard Schnell and Robert Hussey set out for
Georgia from Pennsylvania. The journey was to take five months (but that
included waiting for their baggage). They left on November 6, so the trip was
definitely in the winter. From Bethlehem, they went to Philadelphia, thence
to Lancaster and to York. In York, they recorded that all the inhabitants
were "High Germans." They were going by foot, carrying what they needed with
them. The trip was of a missionary nature. Because of the scarcity of
ministers, it was not hard to obtain an audience. For example, at York, an
innkeeper asked Schnell to preach a sermon which he did for an assemblage of
villagers rounded up by the innkeeper.
Leaving York, the two pilgrims descended into Maryland and forded in
succession three shallow rivers. At the third river, the Monacacy, Schnell
had to carry his companion across because the two had walked forty miles
since sunup and were very tired. Near Frederick, Maryland, they found many
Lutheran and Reformed members who wanted a sermon and they were obliged by
the missionaries. Between Frederick and the Potomac River they encountered
only two houses in this twenty-mile stretch. They had gone without eating
because no food could be obtained.
Near Winchester, in Virginia, the two stopped at the inn of Jost Hite. Jost
described the road ahead as 150 miles of Scotch-Irish settlements (this
would have been the route which became the Great Wagon Road), which
discouraged the missionaries. Learning of an alternative way, they went east
of the Blue Ridge Mountains and passed close to Warrenton, Virginia. This,
we know, brought them close to Germantown, where the First Germanna Colony
was living. One man here told them that a recent ship, bringing immigrants,
had lost 150 of its passengers due to drowning. Schnell was requested to
stay and preach in the church they had but for which they had no minister.
The sermon was so well received that Schnell was requested to stay and
become their minister, but he declined.
In the November rains, the two Moravians started southward again. Creeks
were swollen. They crossed the Rappahannock in a canoe and stopped at an inn
kept by Christopher Kuefer [who was this?]. They plodded along slowly, but
were stopped near the Orange County Courthouse, where an English settler
demanded to see their passports. Schnell declined and then several farmers
of the region took him to a justice of the peace. Here Schnell and Hussey
produced their passports and were allowed to leave. By early December they
had reached southern Virginia.
In North Carolina, a German Reformed member persuaded them to give a sermon
in German, saying that it had been several years since they had heard a
sermon in German. Continuing the trip, the missionaries encountered snow,
which at times forced them to remain indoors. Turning to the east, they
reached Charles Town, South Carolina, on Christmas eve.
Along the way, the missionaries were discouraged that letters had been
circulated by the Lutherans and Reformed people, which spoke of the Moravians
in an evil manner. By January 21, they were still twenty miles from
Savannah. In Savannah, they boarded a sloop, the John Penrose, for the return
trip to Pennsylvania. They returned home to Bethlehem on April 10. Thus the
trip by sea was almost as time consuming as the walk had been.
Nr. 237:
This note fills in details that I omitted in the last note. I am using "The
Great Wagon Road", by Parke Rouse, Jr. The source of the Moravian story is
"Moravian Diaries of Travels Through Virginia", edited by The Reverend
William J. Hinke and Charles E. Kemper in the journal, "Virginia Magazine of
History and Biography," XII:375 (1903-1904).
As Leonard Schnell and Robert Hussey (an English convert) walked to the
south, sometimes covering up to forty miles per day, they encountered
difficulties. Food was often scarce because they depended largely on
residents along the road. Sometimes they encountered very few homes.
Furthermore, food was not always available because the householders
themselves had no bread.
At some of the larger rivers, ferries were necessary. At the Shenandoah, the
ferryman was reluctant to take them across until he saw their money. At one
point, Schnell used his hatchet to clear the vines from the pathway which
was often overgrown. Once he felled a tree to serve as a footbridge across
Goose Creek. At night they heard the howls of wolves and other wild animals.
In short, travel was primitive and often very unpleasant. Still, we have
underestimated the degree of intercourse between the north and the south,
most of which was provided by travelers going back and forth.
*****
I close with an invitation to visit the Hans Herr House tonight, starting at
5:30. The "candlelight" tour held last night will be continued tonight.
Visitors on arrival will be introduced to the background of the Anabaptists
in general and to the Herr party in particular. (Doing this tonight will be
my job.) Guests will leave the visitor's center in an ox-drawn wagon for the
short ride to the Hans Herr House. "Christian Herr" will greet his visitors
and tell them something about a farmer's life in the eighteenth century. In
the kitchen, food will be in preparation to tantalize one's nostrils. In the
stube (living room), the Christmas story will be read in German and hymns
will be sung in German. Then back outdoors, a large bonfire will warm up at
least one side of you. You can sip cider and eat pretzels and perhaps sing
some more. Be sure and dress warmly for the outside of yourself while the
spirit of the season warms you inside.
Tonight's candlelight tour marks the end of the season for visiting. The
House opens again on April 1.
Nr. 238:
At the conference between the Governors of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New
York, on the one hand, and the Indians of the Five Nations on the other hand,
which was held outside Albany in 1722, the Indians agreed to stay on the
west side of the Blue Ridge Mountains. There was no provision which limited
the Europeans to the east side of the Mountains so that, for a period of
years, both groups were in the Shenandoah Valley. At another major
conference held at Lancaster, PA in 1744, the right of the Europeans to use
the trails on the west side of the Blue Ridge was reaffirmed. At this time,
the route on the west side was known as the Great Warrior's Path. In the
famous map of Peter Jefferson and Joshua Fry, printed in England in 1754,
the map showed the "Indian Road by the Treaty of Lancaster."
By the time the 1775 edition of the map was issued, this Appalachian pathway
was labeled "The Great Wagon Road from the Yadkin River through Virginia to
Philadelphia distance 435 miles." From the Yadkin River, several other
routes extend the total length. The growth of the Moravian settlement of
Wachovia after 1753 increased travel from Virginia into that region. This
led to the establishment of Rowan County in North Carolina 1753. The
Governor of NC could write in 1755 that Salisbury, the county seat of Rowan,
is but just laid out, with a courthouse and seven or eight log houses erected.
Growth and development were not instantaneous. Needs were met in a variety
of ways. Some enterprising citizens established ferries. In 1744, Virginia
ordered that a ferry be maintained across the Potomac (the site is now
Williamsport, Maryland). The first ferries were of limited capacities, later
expanded so that wagons could be carried.
Year after year, along this narrow-rutted inter-colonial thoroughfare, there
was a procession of horsemen, footmen, and pioneer families with horses,
wagons, and cattle. The rumble of wagon wheels in the 1750's and 1760's
mounted along the Wagon Road. In the last sixteen years of the colonial
area, southbound traffic along the Great Wagon Road was numbered in the tens
of thousands. It was the most heavily traveled road in all America and had
perhaps more traffic than all of the other main roads together.
A point to be made here is that when the first of our Germanna ancestors
moved south in the eighteenth century, conditions along the road were still
very primitive and the development in the western areas of the southern
states was very limited. It was almost like starting over again at
Germantown or at the Robinson River.
P.S. When Alexander Spotswood went to the Indian conference at Albany, New
York in 1722, he went by the ship H.M.S. Enterprise. It was easier to go by
water than it was by land.
Nr. 239:
[This should be the last of the Great Wagon Road.] In 1768, a chain of
events was launched which was to lead to a spur or new branch of the Great
Wagon Road. John Finley, an itinerant peddler, had told Daniel Boone that
there was a big gap in the mountain range which the Indians used. That was
all Daniel Boone needed to hear. Boone, Finley, and four others hacked their
way through dense underbrush to prove that a route was possible.
Colonel Richard Henderson, a North Carolina lawyer, saw the possibilities.
He purchased land from the Cherokees along the Ohio River in Kentucky. To
provide access, he hired Boone and thirty workers to cut a road through. His
actions were not universally acclaimed but Boone completed the road in short
order.
This modest beginning quickly became the Wilderness Road, leading to what
became Kentucky and Tennessee. The new road branched to the southwest at
(today's) Roanoke, VA, leaving the Great Wagon Road, which continued in a
southerly direction. In terms of today's locations, it passed Christianburg,
Wytheville, and Abingdon, in Virginia, before branching in a westerly
direction to pass through the Cumberland Gap into Kentucky and branching in
a southwestern direction toward Knoxville.
By 1776, Henderson's company, Transylvania, petitioned the Continental
Congress for admission as the fourteenth colony. Conflicting claims and
rivalries doomed the request.
However, colonists from Pennsylvania to the Carolinas were undeterred by the
political status of the new area. The lure of the new lands in the west
added to the volume of the traffic on the Great Wagon Road. By 1790, when
the first United States census was taken, 70,000 people had made new homes
across the Appalachians.
"The opening of Tennessee and Kentucky deflected much of the traffic on the
Wagon Road for several decades, but the road continued to grow in
importance. Indeed, the great years of the Deep South's settlement were yet
to come. The ancient path which had led through the Carolinas to Georgia
would continue to lead to green lands and golden opportunity. The Great
Philadelphia Wagon Road would grow with the years." (Frank Rouse, Jr., "The
Great Wagon Road," The Dietz Press, 1995.)
This history of the Wagon Road is of interest for its own story, but it was
also the route by which many of Germanna people moved on to new life's away
from Virginia. Germanna people were among the first in nearly all of the new
areas.
Nr. 240:
I have two questions to which readers might respond. I do not know a
definitive answer to either one so I am asking, hoping to get answers.
There are two books which perhaps cover similar ground. One is
Strassburger, Ralph Beaver; and Hinke, William J., who wrote "Pennsylvania
German Pioneers", in three volumes. Published in 1934, one volume has
facsimile reproductions of the signatures of the immigrants. The other book
is Rupp, Israel Daniel, "A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of
German, Swiss, Dutch, French, and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727
to 1776." Apparently this book was not indexed, and a companion index has
been published.
My question is, "What is the difference between these two books?" I know
that Rupp used lists from sources other than the manifest lists of the
shippers or the oaths of allegiance. Also, some of his names have been
called into question as doubtful. Are the two books complementary and does
each of them has something the other does not have? What are the opinions on
the general scholarship of the books? Is one more accurate than the other?
The other question pertains to eighteenth century land sales in Virginia
between private parties. Is it true that Virginia had the odd practice of
recording a land sale in two parts? Did the first part read as a lease and
was the amount always for five shillings? I have heard that the real
transaction is usually recorded on the following day and it presents a
better picture of the transaction. Have people been misled by thinking that
the five shilling recording was the complete story?
I have looked at hundreds of land patents and grants but not many deeds. Do
the deeds always contain a description by metes and bounds of the property?
What is the quality of these descriptions?
Send your answers to the
Germanna_Colonies Mailing List. If you send a good answer direct to me, I
may copy or summarize your comments for retransmission to the list. I know
some of you have been reluctant to send to the list, but it is as easy as sending
email to a friend.
Nr. 241:
I have given here four of the children of Anna Barbara Sch�ne, namely, John
Nicholas, Balthasar, Matthias, and Anna Maria. These children were by her
first husband, John Thomas Blanckenb�hler, who died ca 1687-1691. Anna
Barbara then married Johann Jacob Schlucter on 3 Nov 1691 in Neuenb�rg, now
in Baden (more exact, now in Baden-W�rttemberg). One son of this second
marriage is recorded in the church records, Henerich, who was born 7 May 1697.
Henry Schluchter came to Virginia, where his name is recorded as a headright
by Alexander Spotswood. No other Schluchter is recorded as a headright and,
since the members of the 1717 Colony were divided by family among the
partners in the "land company," it must be assumed Henry had no brothers or
sisters and no wife.
He had no land patents, which is strange for a young man, yet he appears to
be present in the 1739 Orange Co., VA, tithe list as Henry Sluter, a possible
variation when written by the English. That this is the person, seems all the
more likely since he appears between his nephews, John Thomas and John
Zimmerman, the latter by marriage.
Just before the 1739 tithe list was drawn up, Cyriacus Fleshman deeded land
to Sarah Schlucter in 1737, which seems to indicate that Henry had married Sarah.
Henry was here, he seems to have married, and by 1739 he would have been old
enough to have several children. Where are the children? Why didn't Henry
have a land patent?
The failure to have answers to these questions is a big hole in enumerating
the descendants of Anna Barbara Sch�ne. Perhaps someone has heard of the
name and can shed some light. I am not going to hold my breath waiting for
an answer, but if someone has information please send it along.
Nr. 242:
In the last note, I discussed Henry Schlucter, born 7 May 1697. Before he
was a year old, his father died on 13 Feb 1698. About three years later,
Anna Barbara Sch�ne married her third husband, Cyriacus Fleischmann on 5 May
1701. At this time, she was thirty-six years old. Two surviving children
were born in this third marriage in Neuenb�rg, the small village where Anna
Barbara had lived her life.
Anna Barbara was now forty-three years old. Her eldest son, John Nicholas
"Blankenbaker" was twenty-six years old.
In 1717, Anna Barbara, her third husband, Cyriacus, and her seven children,
and four grandchildren left for the new world, Pennsylvania to be more
exact. Surprisingly they all seem to have survived the trip.
As is often the case, not all researchers agree, and I would say that Peter
Broyles married Elizabeth ____ (perhaps Finks) who was a stepdaughter of
Zacharias Blankenbaker.
The later birth date for Peter arises from a late 1740 birth date for
Elizabeth. A discussion of this case will have to wait.
Nr. 243:
The youngest child of Anna Barbara (nee Sch�ne) and her third husband,
Cyriacus Fleischmann, was Hans Peter Fleischmann, born 10 April 1708 When
he was nine years old, Anna Barbara and all of her descendants left the
lands of the "Bishops of Speyer" for Pennsylvania. It appears that all of
her family who left Neuenb�rg did arrive in Virginia.
We do not know whom Peter Fleshman married. There were six children:
Nr. 244:
Over the course of several notes, I have recited one family that came to
America. The common element is Anna Barbara Sch�ne, a last name that is
otherwise unknown in Virginia. When the family came in 1717, she was 53
years old. Her husband of the time was Cyriacus Fleischmann, who was probably
younger than she was. The party, or the family, was made up of Anna Barbara,
53; Cyriacus, c.47; her son, John Nicholas, 35; and his wife Appollonia, ?; and
their son, Zacharias, 2.
Then there was Anna Barbara's second son, Balthasar, 34, who may have
acquired a wife in transient, Anne Margaret. The third son of Anna Barbara,
Matthias, was just turning 33, and he was married to Anna Maria, 24, and
they had a son, George, almost 3. Anna Barbara's daughter, Anna Maria, 30,
was married to John Thomas, age unknown, and they had two children: John,
almost 6, and Anna Magdalena, 2. (That the Thomas family came at this time
is an assumption but it seems likely.)
In Anna Barbara Sch�ne's second family, Henry Schlucter was 20 years old. No
marriage is known for him in Germany.
In Anna Barbara Sch�ne's third family, Mary Catharine Fleshman was 13 and
Peter Fleshman was 9.
The age makeup of the party was: 53, 47, 35, 35, 2, 34, 34, 33, 24, 3, 30,
30, 6, 2, 20, 13, and 9, if the spouses of an unknown age are assigned the
same age as the known partner. If I have done my counting correctly, there
were 17 people in the party (counting Anne Margaret, the wife of Balthasar).
The amazing thing is that all seventeen of these people arrived in Virginia.
The general history which the Second Colony members gave would imply there
was a serious loss of life. And in some other families, there were losses.
But, based on this one extended family, there were no losses. (I can't tell
about possible births en route who did not live.) To the group above,
Michael Kaifer could be added. He was single and attached only to the rest
of the Second Colony by the fact that his sister, Appollonia was married to
John Nicholas Blankenbaker.
One wonders about the leaders of the group. I am inclined to believe the
leader was Cyriacus Fleshman. He exhibited leadership roles in Virginia
whereas the Blankenbaker men assumed a more retiring role in Virginia. But
what role did Anna Barbara play? How long did she live? We have no proof
that she ever lived in the Robinson River area. As the common link among
these individuals, I would like to think that she lived to see all of her family settled in their new homes.
And who was the leader in Germany in promoting the emigration to
Pennsylvania? They certainly had their bad days, even bad weeks or months.
Who were the healers? Who were the complainers? We will never know the
answers to these questions, but the ingredients are there for a good story,
albeit fiction.
Nr. 245:
Whom Did Adam Yager Marry?
Adam Yager was the son of Nicholas Yager. Except for the possibility that
Adam's sister Mary did live and have heirs, all of the descendants of
Nicholas J�ger are through Adam. Adam is said to have married Susannah
Kabler, the sister of Frederick Kabler. The last point is quoted very widely
by descendants and by historians. However, evidence for this is unknown (to
me). Let's examine pro and con points for this purported marriage.
AGAINST: Fred Zimmerman, in his research into the German church records, found
the birth record for Frederick (Hans Friedrich) Kappler. but evidence on
other family members is extremely poor. It is not clear why this is so.
Frederick Kappler called on Christoph Zimmermann to be a sponsor (godfather)
for Kappler's son, Christoph. This tie between the Kabler and Zimmerman
families continued in Virginia as these were two of the very few families
who lived in the Mt. Pony area. Also, both men were coopers. No where in the
church records in Germany does Susannah appear. Because the Kabler and
Zimmerman families were associated in Germany and later in Virginia, it
seems that the right families have been found.
Before looking at one piece of positive evidence, a short digression on Mt.
Pony is warranted. When some of the Germans moved to the Robinson River
area, a few of them moved to a distinctly different area, the Mt. Pony
region. Most historians had failed to recognize there was a geographical
difference which was significant. In my own research, I noted the difference
and plotted some of the land.
FOR: Adam Yager lived in the Mt. Pony area for more than ten years. He had
one hundred acres on the southern slope of Mt. Pony not far from the tract
that Frederick Kabler owned. Adam's father, Nicholas, had moved to the
Robinson River area. It seems likely that Adam lived in the Mt. Pony area,
because his wife would be near to her family. This, in itself, does not make
her a Kabler. The people, though, who had been calling Adam's wife a Kabler
had not realized that Adam was living apart from his father. They failed to
recognize that geography did support them (though it was not proof). Perhaps
Susannah was named as a Kabler in handed-down family lore and the source of
the information has been lost. In short, the idea that Adam Yager married
Susannah Kabler is supported by geography but this is very weak evidence.
It pains me to say that Susannah Kabler was Adam Yager's wife because the
evidence is practically nonexistent.
Mt. Pony has been the news recently. During the cold war, the Federal
Reserve Board dug out an underground bunker in Mt. Pony as a haven for
federal officials in case there was an atomic attack. With the thaw, it has
been decided to discontinue the use of it.
Nr. 246:
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For registering surnames of interest to you so that others can see them,
RootsWeb (who makes this list possible) has a registry and search service.
First, the URL for this is:
http://www.rootsweb.com/rootsweb/searches/rslsearch.html
and, if you start with this, you will be presented with a search form.
Another page, accessible from this starting point, tells how you can entry
names. I have registered more than one hundred Germanna names. If you search
and find that "germanna" is interested in the name, that is my registry. I
hear from quite a few people in this way. Incidentally, have you sent your
Christmas present to the people who make Germanna_Colonies and the Roots
Surname List possible? Christmas is an appropriate time to send something.
Running these operations put them in the Red and it takes a lot of the long
Green to offset the expenses.
(Note from this Web Page Manager: If you are interested in becoming a contributor
to RootsWeb, the fantastic Genealogy Mailing List Server, you may go to this URL (click on
"URL") to find out how to contribute and all about the great benefits of being a contributor. George W. Durman, AKA "SgtGeorge")
*************************
Do you have trouble understanding colonial documents? Frankly, I do. Even
though I classify myself as reasonably intelligent, I sometimes read
sentences in a colonial document and find myself saying, "What did he say?"
Usually, I understand each word but when I put them together I am left
wondering if all of the words between the two periods have a subject or have
a verb. Along the way I may encounter several phrases which each have a
subject and a verb but the overall sentence lacks what I was taught were the
requirements for a good sentence.
There is also a tendency to use commas when periods would probably be more
appropriate. Elke Hall, who translated a 1712 document from the German for
me, said that it had more pages in the document than there were sentences.
Alexander Spotswood was as guilty of this as were clerks. Of course, he did
not write himself. He had a private secretary.
Land patents and grants are the easiest to read. Before starting, one knows
just about what to expect as they used standard phrases and structures.
The worse offenders are the wills. After reading many of them, I say, "I'm,
glad I'm not the executor because it is not entirely clear to me what the
intention is."
I suspect that others may have the same problem as I do. Nancy Dodge sent a
copy of something to the list recently asking for an interpretation. She
asked what the "something" was. Well, I am confused about the answer and
perhaps you were also. I am inclined to the view that the "something" was a lease,
but I do not find anything in it that confirms to me that this is the case.
What did you make Nancy's submission to be?
Nr. 247:
*************************
The Germanna_Colonies list service is open to all, both for reading and
sending messages. If you have a question, but are hesitant, then jump in, get
wet, and learn as you go. If you are reading this directly as a recipient of
the list service, you are signed up and ready to go. Just send your message
to [email protected]. If you are reading this on the Germanna
History web page maintained by George Durman, he provides an easy way to
sign up for the list service. Just scroll to the bottom of the page and use
the service he provides there.
*************************
Sheryl Ware Tuck asks about some of her family members which include the
Peniger family. I have no knowledge that her Penigers are the same as the
Germanna Pinnegar family, but I will recite some information on the
Pinnegars. On 12 Aug 1778, Peter Pinnegar purchased 275 acres of John Deer
and wife Catherine of Culpeper Co., VA, in the Gourd Vine Fork of the
Rappahannock River, part of a grant to Francis Brown in 1749. Peter moved to
Stokes Co., North Carolina, before 1793, in company with the Finchums,
Zimmermans, and Ziglars, where they lived together and intermarried.
William Pinnegar and Elizabeth Pinnegar were apparently the son and
daughter-in-law of Peter. They were witnesses to the will of Richard Ship of
Culpeper Co. in 1781. Elizabeth was the daughter of John Zimmerman (Jr.) and
a granddaughter of John and Ursula (Blankenbaker) Zimmerman.
The German origins of Peter Benninger of Epfenbach (Kreis Sinsheim) are
given in Don Yoder's "Rhineland Emigrants." He was permitted to emigrate in
1751 with his wife and four children. In the previous year, Johann Leonhardt
Ziegler, blacksmith, of Sinsheim, was denied permission to emigrate to
Pennsylvania. The coupling of the names, Pinnegar and Ziegler, in Germany,
and in Virginia, increases the chances that these German families are the
Virginia families. Epfenbach is about 15 miles north of Gemmingen and
Schwaigern, the homes of many Germanna families.
The variation in spelling, substituting a P for a B, is very acceptable.
Probably the Benningers and the Zieglers immigrated to Pennsylvania, and
later moved down to Virginia before going on to North Carolina. Researching
the families may cover a lot of geography. I reiterate that I have no data
that the Germanna Pinnegars are the Penigars of Sheryl Tuck.
Information on the Germanna Tanners has been added to Leatrice and Gene
Wagners' web page. Many Germanna names are indexed. I have cross referenced
the Wagner's home page on my Germanna web page. Leatrice Wagner was the
author of "Robert Tanner and His Descendants." The URL for the Wagners' page is
http://www.germanna.net.
Nr. 248:
With December 25 approaching rapidly, it is a good question as to how our
German ancestors spent Christmas day. Some of the ideas here are definite,
some are probable, and some are very speculative. Perhaps you can help
clarify the ideas.
In the Robinson River Valley, it is definite that the Germans went to church
on Christmas day. And, of the three or four times a year they held communion
services, Christmas was one of them. From the list of communicants at Hebron
on December 25, 1775, we have representatives of these families: Carpenter,
Weaver, Crisler, Crigler, Kaifer, Willheit, Gaar, Wayland, Broyles, Yowell,
Rouse, Smith, Reiner, Blankenbaker, Finks, Moyer, Hart, Clore, Urbach,
Neuenmacher, Snider, Fleshman, Beeman, Bender, Lehmann, Yager, Deer, Redman,
Cook, Swindle, Berry, Delph, Barlow, Fisher, and Christopher (using maiden
names in some cases). I may have missed a few but the representation is
quite broad.
One of the more probable things is that there were special dinners.
Extrapolating backwards in time from the present, a roasted goose was the
center place of the dinner. Probably there were special treats from the
"bake oven."
Christmas was probably a social time. The church served that function in
part, but the day was probably an occasion for having very close relatives to
dinner.
Gift giving was limited, more probably it was the occasion for special food
treats which might be considered as gifts.
There could have been special decorations in the house, especially evergreen
boughs and perhaps wild plants with berries. I do not believe there would
have been a tree as we think of a Christmas tree.
From what I have heard and read, Christmas was a social time. Occurring near
the shortest day of the year, it was not a good time for work. It was a
better time to join around the fire and to renew friendships.
If there are better opinions than this, let's hear them.
Nr. 249:
In this season of goodwill, I will mention a case where goodwill lost out
and the family took their problem to court, actually to two courts. The
decision in the first or lower court was not accepted by one of the sides
and they appealed. The final decision was made by the Virginia Supreme Court
after independence. The case started during the Revolution while laws were
in transition from the English system of jurisprudence to the Virginia
statutes. This note will only present the facts and you can be the judge or
jury.
In May 1781 Christopher Blankenbeker died leaving, by his will, his Culpeper
County, Virginia, estate to his wife, Christina Finks Blankenbeker for the
rest of her life. Upon her death, the estate was to be divided among his
three sons, Ephraim, Lewis, and Jonas. In May 1783, Ephraim, the eldest son
who was still a minor and unmarried, died intestate without any heirs.
Christina lived many more years until December of 1815 when she died in
Madison County, VA.
Lewis felt, that as the eldest surviving son, he should get Ephraim's third
of the estate in addition to the third willed to him by his father. Jonas,
the youngest son, and his six sisters disagreed. In their opinion, the
original third that was to go to Ephraim should be divided equally among all
of the eight surviving children. Lewis brought suit against his siblings and
husbands.
A decision was reached in the lower court which was appealed. I will omit,
for the present, the decision in each court to give you a chance to mull
over your decision. Genealogically, the case is important because it details
all of the children of Christopher and Christina and the husbands of the
daughters. They were:
These lawsuits were found by Gene Dear and he presented the material in
Beyond Germanna in May 1991. (The German name of Hirsch is spelled as Deer
and Dear by descendants.)
Nr. 250:
Lewis, the eldest surviving son of Christopher Blankenbaker, brought suit
against his siblings because he thought he was entitled fully and wholly to
the one-third of his father's estate that had been designated for his
brother Ephraim who died intestate without heirs. The dates are important to
know. The will was written in 1781 and Ephraim died in 1783.
The first court ruled for the defendants, that is, the siblings of Lewis.
Ephraim's one-third interest was to be divided among his surviving siblings.
Note that Christopher had left a life interest in the farm to his widow
Christina. Until she died, the question had no relevance. She died in 1815
and this is when the lawsuits began.
Lewis was not satisfied with the ruling of the court. He appealed to the
Virginia Supreme Court. They overturned the lower court decision and awarded
Ephraim's one-third interest to Lewis.
Apparently, by their reasoning, the law of primogeniture still held. This
was the right of the eldest son to the estate of his father, if the father
has not specified otherwise. Thus, when Ephraim died, his interest reverted
to the estate of his father which was in trust for the benefit of Christina.
At this moment, when Ephraim died, Lewis acquired his interest but had to
wait for Christina's life interest to expire.
Telling these events at this time of the year, one is reminded of the Dr.
Suess' story, "The Grinch Who Stole Christmas." However, the grinch relented
and returned all that he taken. Lewis, though, kept the property he acquired.
One wonders what happened to family relationships after this. What price did
Lewis and his siblings pay? Was it worth it? Wouldn't an attitude of peace
and goodwill have served them better?
(This page contains the TENTH set of Notes, Nr. 226 through Nr. 250.)
John and George would like very much to hear from readers of these Germanna History pages. We welcome your criticisms, compliments, corrections, or other comments. When you click on "click here" below, both of us will receive your message. We would like to hear what you have to say about the content of the Notes, and about spelling, punctuation, format, etc. Just click here to send us your message. Thank You!
There is a Mailing List (also known as a Discussion List or Discussion Group), called
GERMANNA_COLONIES, at RootsWeb. This List is open to all subscribers for the broadcast
of their messages. John urges more of you to make it a research tool for answering your questions,
or for summarizing your findings, on any subject concerning the Germanna Colonies of Virginia.
On this List, you may make inquiries of specific Germanna SURNAMES. At present, there are
about 1200 subscribers and there are bound to be users here who can help you.
If you are interested in subscribing to this List, click here. You don't need to type anything, just click on "Send". You will shortly receive a Welcome Message explaining the List.
(As of 12 April 2007, John published the last of his "Germanna Notes"; however, he is going to periodically post to the GERMANNA_COLONIES Mailing List in the form of "Genealogy Comments" on various subjects, not necessarily dealing with Germanna. I'm starting the numbering system anew, starting with Comment Nr. 0001.)
"The remarkable thing is that these Reformed and Lutheran brethren
were dwelling together in harmony, and Pastor Hager was 'ministering
to them in common.' This did not long last, as will soon be seen."
"Perhaps the antagonism between the Reformed and Lutheran broke out;
Whatever the reason, certain it is the Germans left Germanna and the
members of the Reformed faith, 'our colony' of twelve families, went
north abut twenty miles into the Northern Neck, into Stafford county,
and engaged in agriculture; while the large body, the Lutherans, soon
after went west, also into the Northern Neck, on Robinson's river, into
what is now Madison county. The latter seemed to have held on to the
contributions from Europe. They built Hebron church, still in existence,
and still have an organ and a communion service, contributed by their
European friends."
"None of them know anything about the difference in religious faith,
which undoubtedly was the cause of their separation."
"The latter [Second Colony people] seemed to have held on to the contributions from Europe. They built Hebron Church, still in existence, and still have an organ and a communion service, contributed by their European friends."
The implication is that the Second Colony got their hands on the money and refused to share it with the First Colony.
". . . My grandfather, John Kemper, was born in the County
of Nassau Siegen, on the river Sieg. . . owned a small landed
property there and also carried on the blacksmith's business.
"My great-grandfather by my mother [Rev. H�ger] came in after
them, and was their minister several years. . . He was of the
Reformed Calvinistic Presbyterian church.
The German history is courtesy of the research of Margaret James Squires.
The Fleshman history I have taken from "Our Families" by Larry G. Shuck.
Larry was assisted ably by Ardys Hurt.
(Click on the above URL to go immediately to the Search Service.)
Ephraim (the eldest, he died as a minor, unmarried, with no will)
Lewis Blankenbeker
Jonas Blankenbeker
John Deer and Molly his wife, late Molly Blankenbeker
Joseph Carpenter and Catherine his wife, late Catharine Blankenbeker
Samuel Carpenter and Peggy his wife, late Peggy Blankenbeker
Sarah Blankenbeker
Michael Broyles and Betsy his wife, late Betsy Blankenbeker
Henry Haines and Hannah his wife, late Hannah Blankenbeker
This material has been compiled and placed on this web site by George W. Durman, with the
permission of John BLANKENBAKER. It is intended for personal use by genealogists and
researchers, and is not to be disseminated further.
Pg.101-Comments 0001-0025