NL GenWeb - Early Newfoundland History

NL GenWeb

Notre Dame Bay Region ~ Fogo / Twillingate

(Other areas of Newfoundland are included as well - NL GenWeb)

Early Newfoundland info in British Newspapers, Journals & Registers.

1738 - 1831

*With associative interlining. This is not an extensive extraction, rather random gleanings.
Transcribed and contributed by David Anstey, July, 2019. While I have endeavored to be as correct as humanly possible, there may be errors.


Exposition on the Common prayer. By Laurence Clarke, Samuel Butler. ( Aug 3, 1737 - Jan 10, 1738/9. Serial English Publication. )

London, Nov 22 - Nov 29th, 1738. Letters from Fogo in Newfoundland, dated the 12th of October, 1738; bring Advice of the “America”, Captain Phillip Bass, being lost there. A London vessel?

London, Dec 20 - 27th, 1738. By the Benjamin, arrived from Newfoundland, we have Advice, that the “Charming Sally”, Captain Elias Cole, was lately lost near Fogo, in Newfoundland.

*Captain Elias Cole out of the sailing port of Poole, Dorset? Not of Poole proper? Of the Society of Friends? Bere Regis/Morden Quaker Circuit?


Aberdeen Press and Journal - Aberdeen, Aberdeenshire, Scotland. 25 December 1750.

The "Uniquest", Captain Slade, of Poole, was lost the 20th of October, going into Fogo in Newfoundland.

*Lloyd's List edition, March 23, 1749. Sailed from Poole for Newfoundland, the vessels/captains: "Adventure", Spencer; "Don Antonio", Durrell; "Beaver", Hayward; "Uniquest", Honeybun; "Elizabeth", Pike; & "Dolphin", Farewell/Farwell/Fairwell.

*This representing Trinity Bay and Notre Dame Bay voyages. Excepting Captain Pike to Conception Bay.


*Lloyd's List Dec 22, 1747, edition. These ships from Newfoundland for Poole, are lost:

"George", Captain Durrell, 350 Leagues West of the Lizard.

"King William", Captain Toogood/Twogood, at Twillingate. Out of Poole, Dorset. ( ?For Joseph White or William Kittier? )

"Adventure", Captain White, for Kimeridge Ledge, near Weymouth, Dorset. ( John Slade's vessels sometimes docked at Weymouth. )

*Joseph White, a Poole, Dorset; Quaker, had decades of Notre Dame Bay Fishery interests pre the Slade Notre Dame Bay era. This concurrent with White’s Trinity Bay Fishery interests.

*William Kittier a prominent Ringwood, Hampshire; merchant, also held business in early Notre Dame Bay, for decades.

*Lloyd's List, Nov 13, 1741, edition. Sailed from Poole for Carolina, the vessel "Chatfield Jolliffe", Captain Brixley. ( *James Brixey For Christopher Jolliffe. )

*In 1813, Jane Jolliffe, grand-daughter of James Jolliffe of Poole, Dorset; emigrated to Fogo Island, Newfoundland.

*Thomas Freake, and merchant family Christopher Jolliffe associated; at Poole, Dorset, later 1700's. Consider also John "Fricker" wed Martha Knight at Poole, Dorset, 1726. ( Fricker/Freake. ) It appears the Knight family of Poole, was involved in the Newfoundland Fishery, for more than a Century.

*In England parochial and non-parochial registers often provide evidence of the same familial surname being given differing spellings by varying successive Priests, Vicars, Ministers, etc. This seen occurring in the ancestral hometown community, inclusive of communities to which family members later migrated.

The origins of the Fogo Island Freake family, enjoins the sailing port of Poole, Dorset.

Per Isaac Lester's diary at Poole. 1775, Nov 30. John Slade’s brig, Captain ( Thomas ) Reeks is arrived today from Fogo. Joseph Freake came home in Mr. Slades brig.

Thomas Reeks captained the vessels “Cato” and “Duck”, Poole to Fogo; for John Slade in 1775. The vessel referred to by Isaac Lester in which Joseph Freake obtained his passage to Poole, was the “Cato”. Aka: the “Cato & Sukey”. Alias the “Catherine and Susannah”.


Salisbury and Winchester Journal. July 15, 1751. Poole, Dorset; July 8.

Sailed the "George", Thombs, Master, for Newfoundland.

By the "Beaver", Captain Hayward, arrived from Fogo in Newfoundland, we have Advice, that in four Days time they caught such a Number of Seals as loaded that and three more Ships, ( one of which is the "Dolphin", arrived, and the other two are hourly expected, ) with the Oil of 'em, an unheard of Success.

*( Vessel "Dolphin", Captain Honeybun, out of Poole, Dorset. )

*( ? What other two July, 1751, sealing vessels/captains were hourly expected at Poole, from Fogo? ?"Sally", Farwell; "Dolphin", White, Captain Twogood, Captains Slade? ?2 vessels not insured and registered with Lloyd's of London? Would the Poole, Dorset; port books reveal the July 1751, identity, of the other two sealing vessels hourly expected at Poole, from Fogo? )

*Lloyd's List, Apr 9, 1751, edition.

Sailed out of Poole for Newfoundland, the vessel "Dolphin", Captain Slade. For: William Kittier.

Arrived at Cork, from Poole, the vessel "Beaver", Captain Hayward. ( ? For: William Kittier ? )

*Lloyd's List, Apr 23, 1751, edition.

Sailed from Cork for Newfoundland, the vessel "Beaver", Captain Hayward.

*Lloyd's List Edition, July 5, 1751.

Arrived at Newfoundland, from Poole, the vessels/captains: "Sally", Farwell; & "Dolphin", White.

*Lloyd's List Edition, July 9, 1751.

Arrived at Newfoundland, from Poole, the vessels/captains: "Beaver", Hayward; & "Dolphin", Honeybun.

*Lloyd's List Edition, Aug 20, 1751.

Sailed from Poole for Newfoundland, the vessels/captains: "Beaver", Hayward; & "Dolphin", Honeybun.

*Did Captain Brixey later take the vessel "Beaver" to Newfoundland?

*In the 1730’s William Kittier imported seals into Poole, Dorset; from Notre Dame Bay. *Also Captain John Moor(e)s inported seals into Poole, Dorset; from Trinity Bay, in this era.

"In 1750 alone, he completed three transatlantic crossings. At this time, he was apparently in the employ of Joseph White, a Poole Quaker, then the most substantial of the Poole-Newfoundland adventurers. In 1753 Slade acquired ownership of his first ship, the 90-ton Little John, and struck out into the Newfoundland trade on his own account."

*John Slade in the employ of Joseph White? Or John Slade in the employ of William Kittier? John Slade born at Winfrith Newburgh.

*In 1700's England, an Independent individual was a person of "independent income". One who didn't rely on any other individual, for his income. Independent status noted on surviving Slade Ledgers.

Salisbury and Winchester Journal. Dec 14, 1767. London, Dec 10.

They write from Cork, that of 700 Irish fishermen and labourers, who went out last season to Newfoundland to be employed during the fishery, 263 died in the country.

*At 37.5%, this a large attrition rate. Is this any indication of the servitude lifestyle in 1700's Newfoundland? Caught up within the system of the day. Overworked, undernourished, lack of medical attention, lost at sea in boats, drownings, smallpox, etc. Lack of government ecclesiastical or civil. If a comparable number of deaths occurred in modern times, a panel of inquiry might be called. Answers would be required from the masters & captains, plantation & vessel owners, etc. No parochial structure for religion in early Newfoundland. Sometimes a constituted itinerant minister/missionary was sent by the Bishop of London, who might perform civil marriages, baptism and burials. Not in the capacity of Priest, Vicar, Chaplin, etc., per Church of England rules and decorum. Rather a pastor/minister generally = constituted, clandestine, protestant dissenting. Contrast this lifestyle, with that of Landowners in England and Ireland. Many early Newfoundlanders were dissenting folk, who had followed disparaged, second class lives in the mother country. Others were poor folk apprenticed, indentured, and or contracted to work for the Merchant Adventurers, doing business in the British Crown's Newfoundland Fishery.

*It is normally seen that the early Newfoundland courts, navy Commodores and Surrogates, Harbour Admirals, folk given Power of Attorney, etc., ensured and facilitated debt repayment. In effect they sometimes transferred the ownership of early settler’s Plantation/Room, to the merchant. To secure repayment of a settler's debt on the merchant's accounting books. This is an example, demonstrating that the era of the 1700's was different from today. The value of a human life was less. Debt required repayment, even to the point of giving up one's Fishing Room, plantation, vessels, residence, land, etc. Residents were forced on the street idea. ( Though streets were lacking, in that era. ) Adoption for sweat equity, gained eminence over and above, adoption out of goodness of the heart. If the servant/fisherman/bye boat keeper didn't dry enough quintals of Cod, pick enough berries, or provide labour to the merchants, etc. to offset the value of the life sustaining foodstuffs and occupational goods, and fishing gear accepted from the merchant; starvation could result. Some early Newfoundland folk and families, experienced hunger, but managed to stave off starvation. While other folk succumbed to the lack of nourishment for the human body.

The Salisbury & Winchester Journal. May 1, 1776. Poole, Dorset.

The "William", Captain Pain for Newfoundland. ( Paine/Payne ).

*Aka: “George & William”, Captain William Pain, Poole – Newfoundland. 100 Tons/11 Men. Built at Poole, 1771. Capt. & Co.

The Salisbury & Winchester Journal. Nov 23, 1812, Poole, Dorset.

Just imported, from Newfoundland. A few Casks of new Capelin, containing two and three barrels each, on Sale. At One Guinea per barrel of 70lbs. net, by George and James Kemp & Co.

The Salisbury & Winchester Journal. Monday, March 8, 1819. Notice.

The brothers to William Churchill, late of Newfoundland, deceased, will obtain information relative to the Administration to their Brother's Effects in that Island, on application to Mr. John Nichols, Dartmouth, Devon. ( Notice given at Ringwood, Hampshire; on Feb 20, 1819. )

The Salisbury and Winchester Journal. Saturday, October 22, 1825.

Died on the 12th instant at Winkton, near Christchurch, Mr. John Green, aged 76 years, formerly a Newfoundland planter, but for several years past living independently. He was a man of eccentric habits, and resided quite alone. He complained of illness for a few days before his death, but declined assistance: and on the morning of his dissolution he was found dead in his bed. An inquest was held before Mr. Baldwin; verdict, "Died by the visitation of God."


Derby Mercury - Derby, Derbyshire, England. 22 March 1754.

At the Affizes at Dorchefter, one Knot, of Sturminster Newton, was indicted for the Murder of one Brixey, at Fogo in Newfoundland, and found guilty of Manslaughter.

Sherbourne Mercury newspaper. March 18, 1754.

Brixey murdered at Fogo. Knot of Sturminster Newton, indicted at Dorchester. Guilty of manslaughter.

*This incident would normally be recorded at the Court of Assizes, Dorchester, Dorset. Or within the Dorset Court of Sessions.

*A similar early Twillingate case.

1768. August. Jeffrey Tizzard confined to St. John's. (*Nephew of Thomas Tizard, of Oakford Fitzpaine?)

1768. September. Jeffrey Tizzard discharged at St. John's, and returned to Twillingate. Jury found no true bill against him. Case sent to England.

*Lloyd's List, Apr 10, 1753, edition. Sailed from Poole for Cork, the vessel "Beaver", Captain James Brixey. ( *Voyage: Poole to Cork, to Newfoundland. )

*Lloyd's List, May 15, 1753, edition. Arrived at Cork, from Newfoundland, the vessel "Beaver", Captain Brixey.

*Lloyd's List, Nov 30, 1753, edition. Arrived at Cowes, from Newfoundland, the vessels/captains: "Orson", James Brixey; & "John & Mary", Slade.

*No surviving Lloyd's Lists for 1754.

*Lloyd's List, Jan 7, 1755, edition. Sailed from Poole for Carolina, the vessel "Dolphin", Captain Brixey.

*Lloyd's List, Apr 11, 1755, edition. Sailed from Poole for Newfoundland, the vessel "Industrious Bee", Captain Brixey.

*Lloyd's List, Apr 18, 1755, edition. Came in to Weymouth, for Newfoundland, the vessel "Industrious Bee", Captain Brixey.

*Lloyd's List, Nov 18, 1755, edition. Arrived at Poole, from Newfoundland, the vessel "Industrious Bee", Captain Brixey.

*Poole Parish. 1756. James & Esther Brixey had son James baptised.

*Captains James, William ( of Christchurch ), & Robert Brixey; sailed for Lesters to Trinity Bay. In the vessel "Industrious Bee".

*Pamela Sims, a native of Fogo, Newfoundland. A "daughter" of Captain William Brixey and Mary Sims, per Mary's 1792 marriage contract. About 19 years of age. Captain William Brixey apparently a step father to Pamela.

*Lloyd's List, Jan 5, 1762, edition. Arrived at Poole, from Newfoundland, the vessel "Prince Edward", Captain Brixey. ( Brixey was Captain circa 1760 - 1762 ).

*Lloyd's List, Apr 25, 1758, edition. Sailed from Poole, from Newfoundland, the vessel, "Prince Edward", Captain Hookey.

*John Slade also owned a vessel named "Prince Edward". ?Circa 1759?

*Lloyd's List, Nov 30, 1764, edition. Arrived at Alicant, from Newfoundland, the vessel: "Prince Edward", Captain Martin.

*Lloyd's List May 3, 1765, edition. Sailed from Poole for Newfoundland, the vessel: "Prince Edward", Captain Martin.

*1764, Lloyd's Register. Vessel "Prince Edward", Captain W. Martin. Voyage: Poole - ? 80 Tons/6 Men. Built at Shoreham, 1754. Voyage for: Martin & Co.

*Were these Martins, Society of Friends members, at Poole, Dorset? Poole Parish Church members?

*Lloyd's List, Jul 24, 1772, edition. Sailed from Poole for Newfoundland, the vessel "Prince Edward", Captain Froud.

*Lloyd's List, Jan 5, 1773, edition. Arrived at Poole, from St. Andero, the vessel "Prince Edward", Captain Colborn.

*John Slade set up merchantable business in Notre Dame Bay, after having captained there, for men like Joseph White & William Kittier. What about other early merchants & captains, like Joseph Randle/Randell & Thomas Nickleson, Thomas Hart, Edward & Phillip Wills of Poole Unitarian, Lawrence Smith of Milton, Hampshire, Toogood/Twogood, Munday, Brixey, Froud/Frowd, Payne, Hayward, Farwell/Fairwell, Moses Kittier of Ringwood, etc.


The Beothucks Or Red Indians. The Aboriginal Inhabitants of Newfoundland. By James P. Howley, F.G.S., Cambridge, 1915.

Page 282. I [ Thomas Peyton ] was informed by Henry Rousell [ grandson of George Rousell, and son of John & Emma Rousell ], residing in Hall's Bay, that the first five men who attempted to make a settlement in that Bay were all killed by the Indians. A crew came up from Twillingate shortly afterwards and found their bodies with the heads cut off and stuck on poles. One of the latter men was a Captain Hall after whom the Bay was named. Henry Rousell's Grandfather was a servant with Squire Childs and purchased the rights of that merchant to the salmon fishing in the brooks of Hall's Bay for the sum of 90 Pounds Sterling.

*A sampling of interesting Portsea stats considering Charles & James Childs of Gosport, & the Halls Bay Salmonry. Which may lead one to consider a search for the early Notre Dame Bay family of Rousell, at Gosport & Portsea local area. Would Y-DNA assist? Generally if Rousell family members migrated back to England from Notre Dame Bay, would one expect them to settle in their ancient home County? Which does not appear to be Poole, Dorset.

Matthew Ward wed Sarah Hall on Apr 5, 1807 at Portsea.

William Hooper wed Mary Ann Rousell on April 12, 1817, at Saint Marys, Portsea.

Timothy Hooper of Gosport, early 1700’s residence at Poole, Dorset.

Slade, Fogo. Neagle James, employed by Ward & Rowsell, trapping and salmon fishing, 1784 1787.

James Neagle baptised Dec 18, 1791 at St. Marys, Portsea.

James Rowsell, son of George & Sarah Rousell of Notre Dame Bay, had a third son Thomas Rowsell, born 1826 at Parkstone, a suburb of Poole. Family of Thomas Rousell, is seen in the 1861, 1871, 1881, 1891 and 1901 Census at Portsea area. Per the file “Rowsells in England”.

James W. Rowsell married Eliza M. Budden in July-Sept 1924, Portsmouth, Hampshire.

Page 283. ...the south side of Twillingate Harbour, near Hart's Cove, which was the usual anchorage for vessels coming from England. ( The early Notre Dame Bay Merchant Adventurer Thomas Hart of Poole? )


*Port books, Poole, Dorset; 1751. Captain John Carter on the "Elizabeth", Poole to Newfoundland, for Moses & David Hooper. And others.

*Lloyd's List, Nov 21, 1752, edition. The "Elizabeth", Captain Carter, of and from Poole, is lost in the Harbour of Fogo, in Newfoundland.

Nov 1759, Poole import books? Thomas Tizzard. Stuff from Newfoundland, for Moses Hooper.


Bath Chronicle and Weekly Gazette, Nov 10, 1768.

The following is a list of the French and English vessels and boats lost or driven ashore on the northern coast of Newfoundland, on the 15th of September.

At Red Bay, on the Labrador Coast, all the boats lost, numbers not mentioned. At Cape Fear, two French vessels, with 2000 quintals of fish; and 200 boats lost.

At Cennaday, ( Canada Harbour, near Englee. ) four French ships lost.

Capt. Slade's brig Dolphin, ( Captain Samson? ) is lost on the Horse Island, where the crew remained seven days, then made a raft, got on it, and steered for Newfoundland, which was 7 leagues distant, where they arrived safe. ( Notre Dame Bay. )

Capt. Darby, of Bristol, lost his ship, at St. Julian's, with all his boats, and 31 men. ( For: John Noble. )

At Barry Harbour, all the vessels driven ashore, but got off again.

At Trinity, the Rebecca, Spencer, the brig John, and a great number of boats and men were lost. The Molly, Capt. Munday, drove ashore, but got off again.

The Minerva, Hulett, was lost at ( Bay of Bulls) Newfoundland, had only 600 quintals of fish on board, about one third part of which is lost.

"Rebecca", Captain William Spencer, Newfoundland - Poole - Newfoundland, Captain & Co.

"Minerva", Captain William Hewlett, Poole - Newfoundland, for Mr. Wise.

"Molly", Captain William Munday, Poole-Newfoundland-Alicant-Poole, for Mr. White.

The London Gazette. July 13, 1770.

The "George", Captain Durrell, from Poole to Newfoundland, is lost on the rocks of Fogo, and 4 men drowned.


The Bath Journal. Saturday and Sunday's Posts. London, April 29, 1773.

Letters by the last mail from Dublin mention, that 200 natives of that kingdom had just embarked on board a ship in the river Liffey, for the island of St. John's, Newfoundland. Where they are now going to settle.


Annual Register, London. Volume 18. Page 157. September 11, 1775.

At St. John's, and other places, in Newfoundland, there arose a tempest of a most particular kind - the sea rose on a sudden 30 feet; above seven hundred boats, with all the people belonging thereto, were lost, as also eleven ships with most of their crews. Even on shore they severely felt its effects, by the destruction of numbers of people; and for some days after, in drawing the nets ashore, they often found twenty or thirty dead bodies in them; a most shocking spectacle! At Harbour Grace, no fewer than three hundred boats were lost.

Newfoundland Hurricane of 1775

A storm struck the eastern coast of Newfoundland on September 9, 1775.

It is uncertain if this storm was the remnants of the hurricane that had crossed the Outer Banks over a week earlier.

Newfoundland’s fisheries "received a very severe stroke from the violence of a storm of wind, which almost swept everything before it," the colonial governor Robert Duff wrote shortly after it struck. "A considerable number of boats, with their crews, have been totally lost, several vessels wrecked on the shores," he said. Ocean levels rose to heights "scarcely ever known before" and caused great devastation, Duff reported.

A total of 4,000 sailors, mostly from England and Ireland, were reported to have been drowned. A localized storm surge is reported to have reached heights of between 20 and 30 feet. Losses from the hurricane include two armed schooners of the Royal Navy, which were on the Grand Banks of Newfoundland to enforce Britain's fishing rights.

The hurricane is Atlantic Canada’s first recorded hurricane and Canada's deadliest natural disaster (and by far the deadliest hurricane to ever hit Canada), as well as the eighth-deadliest Atlantic hurricane in history.

The most infamous tropical storm of that nature was the 'Independence Hurricane' that hit Newfoundland in the September, killing over 4,000 people with a great number of them being seamen from Britain and Ireland.

The most haunting account we get from this storm is when it struck Conception Bay. Vast numbers of fishing boats were in the bay as the squid catch was late that summer, but the men were oblivious to the growing winds and the sudden approach of the storm. The sea is said to have risen twenty feet higher than usual, putting the vast quantities of boats in the bay at great risk. The boats really had little chance against this severity of weather at sea, and all but one are said to have met their deaths - a total of 300 men.

Virginia Gazette, September 9, 1775.

The shocking accounts of damage done by the rains last week are numerous: Most of the mill-dams are broke, the corn laid almost level with the ground, and fodder destroyed; many ships and other vessels drove ashore and damaged, at Norfolk, Hampton, and York. In the heavy storm of wind and rain, which came on last Saturday, and continued most part of the night, the Mercury man of war as drove from her station abreast of the town of Norfolk, and stuck flat aground in shoal water.”


Hampshire Chronicle. Poole, Dec 14, 1775.

This Day arrived 1000 Baskets of Raisins, which are to be sold John Slade.

*Via the vessel “Drake”, Captain Slade arrived at Poole, from Alicant. A full cargo of raisins would have been approximately 155,000 Lbs., for the 70 Ton “Drake”. Did the baskets hold 112 Lbs. each of raisins? Not a full load? At market in Alicant/London; a cargo of Fogo/Twillingate, Newfoundland; train oil, Seal oil, Codfish, Sealskins, Beaver pelts, Martin skins, etc., returned the value of a portion of the raisins to England. What insight is gained? One can do straight calculations, but other factors played their role. Wartime usually improved market prices. Did John Slade get 15 Shillings per Beaver pelt in 1775? Circa 14 Shillings per Quintal of merchantable Stock fish? Did the “Drake”, carry 1400 Quintals of Stock fish? What was the value of a hundredweight ( 112 Lbs. ) of Alicant raisins in 1775? Circa 50 Shillings? A discount for bulk sales? If the baskets held 112 Lbs. each, then a cargo of dried Fogo/Twillingate Codfish payed for circa 40% of the purchase price of the cargo of Alicant raisins. Which were to be sold back home in Poole, at a profit. The triangle trade route. While the merchant adventurer’s vessels plied the triangle, Newfoundland settlers dried stock fish. Did the Fogo/Twillingate Planter get 10 Shillings per Quintal of dried cod, in December 1775? If so, maybe circa 200 Pounds profit on the 1400 Quintals of dried Cod, was realized at Alicant. One can visualize margin for profit. What about the economic risk? Was the “Drake” valued at circa 1500 Lbs.? If the “Drake” had been privateered, John Slade may have encountered a financial loss. How much insurance would Lloyd’s of London, pay John Slade? If a lesser ( not of a large firm ) merchant adventurer’s vessel was privateered and uninsured, then the merchant could be looking at financial ruin.

March 5, 1762. Poole Customs: 60/1. Kittier & Slade got 1800 cwt ( in excess of 200,000 Lbs. ) raisins, Poole from Alicant on the vessel “Triton”, Captain Richard Barnes.

Feb 11, 1788. ...from Poole says, that twenty sail of vessels are getting ready at that port for sea, in order to proceed to the fishery at Newfoundland, on board of which will be employed upwards of forty boys, who, in four or five years, may make good sailors.

Poole, Feb. 23, 1792. Death of Mr. John Slade, of this place, merchant; who has for many years carried on a trade to Newfoundland.

Nov 23, 1778.

An account of the captures made, and depredations committed by the privateer "Minerva", of Boston, commanded by one Grimes, late of Gosport, Hants, mounting 18 guns and 100 men, renegadoes of all nations, viz.

August 10, 1778, on the coast of Newfoundland, nigh Cape Carpoon [Quirpon], opposite Labrador, he took two vessels of one Mr. Tory, of the West Country, with goods, provisions, etc. valued at 3000Lbs, and proceeding immediately to Temple Bay, on the coast of Labrador, Mr. Noble's settlement, he took a letter of marque of 12 guns, also a large brig and a large ship; likewise all the goods out of the stores, dry fish, Salmon fish, and 75 tons of oil, the whole valued by Grimes at 61,200 Lbs. Making but a short stay there, he proceeded along the coast of the said land to Cape Charles, there took a large brig belonging to one [ John Syeds/Sydes ] of London, and also oil, fish, fur, and salmon, belonging to one Mr. Thomas of Poole, which he valued, with the cargo of the brig, at 35,000Lbs. From the above Cape he proceeded to the settlement of one Mr. Slade, of Poole, where he took one vessel, goods, fish, and oil, valued by him at 1500Lbs. Passing Mr. Coughlan's settlement at Alexis, etc. he proceeded to Sandwich Bay, where he took a large ship and a brig, belonging to Mr. Cartwright, of Yorkshire; the said vessels he fully loaded with goods, salt, oil, and some fish, which he valued at 7000Lbs. Sending all the former vessels and their cargoes to Boston, he proceeded to the Moravian settlements on the coast of Labrador, where, it is said, he took a sloop with whalebone, oil, etc. valued at 1200Lbs.

*Lloyd's Register, 1778.

Vessel: "Betsey", Captains: T. Harris/Jos Frampton. Voyage: Poole - Newfoundland. 90 Tons. Built at Wales in 1769. For: Tory & Co.

Concord, Richard Reeks, Poole – Newf, 60 Tons, New England, 1758. Tory & Co.

Diana, D. Anes/W. Ferry, Poole – Newf, 80 Tons, Poole, 1771. Tory & Co.

Packet, J. Andrews/Charles Gray, Poole – Newf, 50 Tons, America, 1769. T. Tory.

Betsey, A. Atkins, Dartmouth – Newf, 120 Tons, Rhode Island, 1768. Noble & Co.

Charlotte, I. Matthew, Bristol – Newf, 120 Tons, River Thames, 1750. John Noble.

Reprisal, E. Ford, Bristol Privateer, 120 Tons, N. Carolina, 1773. John Noble.

Cato, J. Meatyard/G. Elford, Poole – Newf, 1770, Barnstaple, 1755. J. Slade.

Drake, J. Slade, Poole – Newf, 70 Tons, New England, 1771. Captain. ( Was the vessel "Drake" taken by Grimes at Labrador? )

Johannes, Moses Cheater, Poole – Newfoundland, 120 Tons, British, 1755. John Slade.

Nancy, T. Northover, Poole – Newf, 80 Tons, America, 1769. John Slade.

Triton, Jos. Bartlett/T. Slade, Poole – Newf, 65 Tons, America, 17 66. John Slade.

Reconcilation, J. Kettle, London – Labrador, 80 Tons, America, 1776. Cartwright.

Also the "Countess of Effingham", 180 Tons, 12 men, was used by Cartwright at Labrador, in 1778. This vessel was taken by the American Privateer, "Minerva". Retaken by the sailors.

Andrew Pinson ( 1728 - 1810 ) wed Anne Helling ( 1734 - 1799 ) at Staverton in 1751. Son William Pinson ( 1754 - 1811 ).

The son William Pinson sailed to Labrador mid and late 1770's, and 1780's for Noble and Pinson. Similar era Noble/Pinson captains included Thomas Burd, Codner, Helling, etc.

Daniel Codner did business with Noble and Pinson.

*Lloyd's List, Mar 12, 1776, edition.

Sailed from Gravesend for Cork and Newfoundland, the vessel "Thomas", Captain Sydes.

*Lloyd's List, Aug 13, 1776, edition.

The "Thomas", Captain Sydes, from London to Newfoundland, foundered at Sea; the Crew saved.

*Lloyd's List, May 23, 1777, edition.

Arrived at Waterford on May 10th, from London, the vessel "Adventure", Captain Sydes.

*Lloyd's List, Aug 19, 1777, edition.

Arrived at Fogo, Newfoundland, from London, the vessel "Adventure", Captain Syeds/Sydes/Sides.

*Lloyd's Register, 1778.

Vessel: Schooner, "Adventure", Captain John Syeds. 30 Tons/6 men. Voyage: London - Labrador. Built in Newfoundland, 1773. Captain. ( Sydes "Room" at Charles Harbour, Labrador. )

*Lloyd's List, Feb 9, 1779, edition.

Arrived at Gravesend from Labrador, the vessel "John & Mary", Captain Syeds.

*Lloyd's Register, 1779.

Adventure, Captain Stephen Syeds. Voyage: Labrador - London. 30 Tons/6 men. Built in Newfoundland, 1773. For: John Syeds.

*Why this entry shows in Lloyd's Register is a question. Other cases are noticed where a vessel is privateered or lost in a given year, only to surface in Lloyd's Register the next year. What explanation? Were entries automatically made in successive registers, when an individual was expected to reinsure a vessel? When Lloyds staff realized the vessel was no longer being insured, the normal entry was then removed, in future ensuing registers? In this case for 1780, and later years. Newfoundland vessels often did not reach home (Britian) until the next year. Especially if an interim seller’s market lay in the Mediterranean. Ie: Left Labrador in late 1778. Arrived home in early 1779. Paperwork in an era of little global communication. In an era of "many" privateered vessels.

In 1779, Mr Syeds/Sydes lost the vessel "Sukey", to another American Privateer, the "Freemason".

Cartwright had a post named "Ranger Lodge", in St. Lewis Inlet. He began fishing and trapping there in 1770.

In 1778, the American Privateer "Minerva" destroyed all the fishing establishments in the straits ( Strait of Belle Isle ), as far North as Sandwich Bay.

Monday Feb 2, 1824.

Isle of Wight, ... The schooner Hope, Roach, master, laden with molasses and rum, bound from St. John's to Carbonear, in the Island of Newfoundland, was blown off the coast, and obliged to bear away for England, and arrived at this port on Thursday, when she was immediately...

1848. Robert Slade Senior_Poole, Biddle_Great Canford, M. Seager_Poole & R. Major_Longfleet; rope manufacturers.

Jun 21, 1862.

The bankrupt Messrs. Slade, merchants of Poole and Newfoundland, obtained their orders of discharge. ( Robert & James Slade. ) Business failure in Jan, 1861.


Caledonian Mercury - Edinburgh, Midlothian, Scotland. 28 December 1778.

The Admiral Montague, Capt. Coghlan, from Fogo, in Newfoundland, is arrived at Cape Clear, Ireland; where she landed 100 passengers. ( Clear Island. )


*Lloyd's Register, 1778.

Admiral Montague, Captain W. Green. ( J. Power crossed out. ) Voyage: London - Labrador, 60 Tons, Built at New England, 1758. For: J. Coughlan.


The Gentleman's Magazine. Vol 11. 1741. Page 690 - 694.

Jan 28, 1740. The "Totnes", Captain Bursell, Newfoundland to Portugal, carried into St. Sebastians.

Aug 27, 1740. The "Two Sisters", Bursell, Norway to Dartmouth, carried into Harve.

Nov 10, 1740. The "Clement", Ketcher, Newfoundland to England, carried into St. Sebastians. ( Trinity Bay? ) ( ?Kitcher/Kittier? Or two entirely separate individuals? )

Nov 24, 1740. The "Union", Le Viscount, Guernsey to Newfoundland, carried into St. Sebastians.

April, 1741. The "Carbonier", Pyke, Poole to Newfoundland, carried into Harve.

April, 1741. The "Elizabeth", Davis, Teignmouth to Newfoundland, carried into Harve.

Sept. 17, 1741 The "Phillip & John", Captain Le Cras, Jersey to Newfoundland, carried into St. Sebastians.

Nov, 1741. The "Dartmouth", Captain Porter, Newfoundland to Portugal, carried into Bilboa.

*Lloyd's List, Jul 21, 1747, edition.

The "St. Clair", Kittier, and the "Mary", Belbin, arrived at Newfoundland, from Poole.

*Lloyd's List, Oct 11, 1771, edition.

Arrived at Lymington, from London, the vessel "Salisbury", Captain Kitcher/Kittier. *Kittier saile this route for years, if not decades. ( Lymington salt was often purchased for the Newfoundland Fishery. )

Vol 13, 1743. Page 24.

Nov 22, 1742. The "Three Brothers", Captain Troth, Newfoundland to the Straights, carried into Malaga.

Dec 27, 1742. The "Mary", Le Cornu, carried into Cuba.

Page 699. Oct 25. The "Robert", Captain Touche, from Newfoundland to Portugal, carried into Bayonne.

Vol 14, 1744. Page 424.

July 28. The "George and Mary" of Poole, Captain Thomas Reeks, taken in a Calm off St. Aldam's by a Privateer; the Master and Crew escaped in their Boat.

[ St Aldhelms_St Alban's Head, Purbeck Peninsula, Dorset. ] Who did Thomas Reeks captain for, pre John Slade era, Poole to ?Fogo/Twillingate? Robert Newman of Dartmouth?

*Lloyd's List, Friday, Aug 3, 1744, edition.

Saturday last, the "George & Mary", Captain Reeks, of Poole; was taken in a Calm off St. Aldams by a French Privateer. The Master & Crew escaped in their Boat.

Vol 14, 1744. Pages 647/8.

The "Two Brothers", ( late Slade ), from Newfoundland for Oporto, taken by a Spanish privateer, and carried into Bayonne.

The "Kingston", Captain Emmet, from Lisbon to Newfoundland, taken by six of the Brest squadron, who burnt the ship, and carried the crew to Brest.

A French snow from Cape Breton, laden with Fish, taken by a Jersey privateer, and carried into Guernsey.

A French vessel from Cape Breton, with fish and oil, taken by the Bacchus privateer, Captain Wadham, and sent into Poole.

Vol 15. 1745. Page 79.

The "Marie", Captain Yronne, from Bourdeaux for Morlaix, taken by the "Willing Mind", privateer, Captain Snow, and brought into Dartmouth.

Vol 16. July, 1746. Page 347.

A French ship, 80 tons, with wine, oil, etc. and an Irish snow, with 800 hogsheads of beef, and 200 barrells of butter, from Rochelle for Bourdeaux, taken by the

"Willing Mind" privateer of Jersey.

Vol 16. December, 1746. Page 696.

The "Terra Nova", Captain Fiot, from Newfoundland for Guernsey, carried into St. Maloes.

Vol 17. 1747. Page 33.

Jan, 1747. The "Thomas and Robert", Captain Tavernor, from Newfoundland for Poole, carried into Brest. The master washed overboard and drowned.

Page 195. March, 1747. The "Mary", Captain Toogood, from Newfoundland, taken.

Page 196. April, 1747. The "Fortune", Captain Drew, from Newfoundland, taken.

Page 287. June, 1747. The "Anne", Janwerine, from Jersey for Newfoundland, carried into St. Maloes. *( Janverine. ) *( note the letter W, Vibert_Wibert_Webber. )

Page 430. Aug, 1747. The "Virgina Merchant", Captain Lockart, from Dumfries for Virginia, 13th of April last, taken by a French man of war, and carried into Carpoon ( Quirpon ), a French Port in Newfoundland. The "William and Mary", Captain Kelly, from Waterford for Newfoundland, carried into Morlaix.

*Lloyd's List, Mar 3, 1746/7, edition. The "Mary", Captain Twogood, from Newfoundland for Poole, is taken and carried into Bayonne.

Vol 18. 1748. Page 368.

Aug, 1748. [ Retaken ] The "Betty", Captain Taylor, from Waterford to Newfoundland.

Vol 26. November, 1756. Page 547.

The "Endeavour", Captain Gray, from Newfoundland for Viana, is carried into Gaminba River. ( ?Caminha? River. )

The "Esther", Nicholas John, from Newfoundland for Jersey, with 88 people on board, is taken by the "Grasshopper" privateer, and carried into Morlaix.

*( A St. Helier, Jersey; baptism. Oct 4, 1713. Nicholas Jean, son of Rene Jean & Rachel Gruchy. )


*Lloyd's List, May 17, 1748, edition.

Sailed from Poole, for Guernsey, the vessel "Punch Bowl", Captain Gray.

*Lloyd's List, Aug 17, 1750, edition.

Sailed from Poole, for Guernsey, the vessel "Endeavour", Captain Gray.

*Lloyd's List, Feb 14, 1755, edition.

Arrived at Dartmouth, from Oporto, the vessel "Syren", Captain Gray/Grey. ( Alternate spellings: Syrene/Siren. )

*Lloyd's List, July 7, 1752, edition.

Arrived at Newfoundland, from Jersey, the vessel "Esther", Captain Luce. ( *An interesting July 7th Newfoundland arrivals listing. )

*Lloyd's List, Nov 3, 1752, edition.

Arrived at Lisbon, from Newfoundland, the vessel "Esther", Captain Luie. ( *Luie sometimes spelt Louis_Lewis. Luce and Luck, seen sometimes for the same individual. )

Sailed from Lisbon for Newfoundland the vessel "Sally", Captain Nichols.


Vol 28. 1758. Page 45.

The "Baccaleo", Captain Parnell, from Newfoundland, is carried into Morlaix. ( Baccaleau in Lloyd's List. )

The "Priory", Captain Towgood [ Twogood/Toogood ], from Newfoundland for Poole, is carried into Bayonne.


The Gentleman's Magazine, London. Vol 38. 1768. Pages 206/7.

The Claims of the French to Newfoundland, considered.

Having long been induced to think from common report, that the island of Newfoundland belonged to the English, and that the French fished there only by permission, I was surprized to hear, after the commencement of the late peace, that the French assumed a right by the treaty of Utrecht to dispossess the English of their plantations to the northward of Cape Bonavista, and round the sea coast; to point Rich; and that they have actually begun, in part, to exercise that right; insomuch that they say, if a French ship gets into any harbour to the northward of Bonavista before the ship of an English merchant, the English merchant is liable to be dispossessed, but not if the English merchant ship arrives first. In consequence of which interpretation one or two settlers have actually been dispossessed of their plantations, which makes the English live in fear, and so proves a hurt to their fishery. The article of the treaty on which they ground their claim runs thus: "The island of Newfoundland, with the adjacent islands, shall belong of right wholly to Great Britain, but the subjects of France shall be allowed to catch fish and dry them on the land, in that part only of the said island and no other which stretches from the place called Cape Bonavista to the northern part of the said island, and from thence running down by the western side reaches as far as the place called Point Rich; but the French shall not erect any buildings there besides stages made of boards, and huts necessary and usual for drying of fish; or resort to the said island beyond the time necessary for fishing and drying of fish. Can it be imagined from this article, that the English meant to exclude themselves from building anywhere between Bonavista and Point Rich, an extent or compass of sea coast greater than the English have or make use of to the southward of Bonavista? Or rather does not the right to allow the French to build, imply a right to build in him that allows it? If this is not admitted, it will then follow, that more of Newfoundland is theirs than ours, and so we shall be left with only a nominal proprietorship, while the French are in actual possession; or, at least, the true intent of the treaty will be so inverted, that the French to the northward of Bonavista will be dictators to us, instead of our being so to them. It can hardly be imagined that any nation in Europe, in consequence of this article, will pretend to justify the French in interrupting the English in their new settlements for the fishery; and yet ever since the last peace was concluded, they have come back from the northward to the English settlements, to lay in their claims; and have actually taken possession of some plantations greatly to the prejudice of the owners. And in so great fear do the English planters live of being hurt by such proceedings, that on a French vessel's coming into the harbor of Twillingate, in the spring of the year 1767, and demanding a Room, they joined, to the great hindrance of their own fishery, in lending their boats and men to get trees out of the woods for the Frenchman to build, etc., that he might not dispossess them from their own plantations; but whilst such humiliating concessions cannot but give diversion to the French, so remarkable for their vanity, it must sting a true Briton to the heart, to see his countrymen toiling and bending under French insolence for building on their own ground. As everyone who suffers in his property is to be pitied, I cannot conclude without mentioning the great loss the inhabitants of the island of St. Peter's sustained at the commencement of the peace; when, in obedience to the government, they delivered up their plantations (and in so doing some delivered up their all) to the French for the national good. Surely these injured people are in justice entitled to some compensation, but I am told they have yet received none. I would willingly hope, however, that the disregard shewn on this account, and the not settling things better to the northward of Bonavista, for the relief of such as live in continual fear of what the French may do to their prejudice, is owing rather to the unsettled state of the ministry since the conclusion of the peace, than to their want of feeling; and that notwithstanding this seeming neglect, we may yet have things settled on a better foundation, and more to the encouragement of the English fishery than they are at present: for it appears from what happened a little before our last rupture with France, that our ministry can debate on a treaty with spirit when they are resolved not to be imposed upon, for then the French ministry's explanation of the treaty of Utrecht about Nova Scotia and Acadia, were treated with the contempt they deserved. Why then would we not dispute with the French on the same treaty, with the same resolution now, if the rights of the subject require it?


Some other captains of surname ( De La ) Rue, in this era.

*Lloyd's List, March 11, 1766, edition.

Arrived at Guernsey, from Saloe, the vessel "Hope", Captain De La Rue.

*Lloyd's List, May 28, 1768, edition.

Arrived at Gravesend, from Bourdeaux, the vessel "Britain", Captain Rue.

*Lloyd's List, March 6, 1770, edition.

Sailed from Southampton for Guernsey, the vessel "Southampton Pacquet", Captain De La Rue. Arrived at Southampton, per April 3rd edition. And April 13th.

Arrived at Southampton from Guernsey, May 29th edition. And June 19th edition. In 1770 Lloyd's List, often.


Vol 56. 1786. Page 72.

Dec, 1785. A large brig, belonging to Dartmouth, from Newfoundland, with passengers and gents, was lost on Bigbury Bay, and all on board perished.

*Lloyd's List, Jan 13, 1786, edition.

The "Grampus", Captain Palk, late Holloway, from Newfoundland to Dartmouth, is totally lost in Bigberry Bay, and every Soul perished. ( Near Aveton Gifford, Devon? Or Bigbury Bay, Cornwall? )

Vol 57. 1787. Page 547.

Death in Newfoundland. Mrs. Sprat, wife of Mr. Sprat, merchant there, and a daughter of the Reverend Mr. Howell, of Yeovil. ( Rachel, Wife of Thomas Sprat of Poole, Dorset. Wed 1779, Poole Parish. Thomas Sprat, son of Samuel Sprat. )

Vol 63. 1793. Page 862.

The Boston Frigate sailed from Plymouth on April 20, 1793, for Newfoundland with a convoy of 100 sail.

*Lloyd's List, Apr 23, 1793, edition.

Sailed from Plymouth for Newfoundland on April 20th, the vessel "Boston", Man of war; & the "Shark", Sloop; with a fleet under convoy.


The Gentleman's Magazine, London. Vol 64. 1794. Pages 493-5.

Naval fight for a Newfoundland Fishing Convoy. Lord Howe's Victory, 1794.

( ...the Old English way of fighting, "not to fire before he could see the whites of their eyes." )

From a Naval Correspondent of high Rank to whom our Miscellany is under many former Obligations, we have been favoured with the following original and unaffected “Narrative of the late glorious victory at Sea.”

"Dear Friend, Spithead, June 14, 1794.

I have just sat down to give you an account of the glorious action of the 1st instant, as I think it a duty Incumbent on me, as it will afford you some entertainment, which I give from my own minutes of it and my own observations. ( A week previous to it, we fell in with one of our Newfoundland convoys, that had been captured by a French squadron of four sail of the line, with one of our frigates; we retook all but three and the frigate. ) On Wednesday, May the 28th, the signal was made on-board the Queen Charlotte, for seeing the enemy's fleet, consisting of 24 sail of line of battle ships, and six large frigates, bearing down upon us apparently in a general chase of us, the wind S. W. and we standing to the Southward, with our starboard tacks on board; our fleet at this time in the order of sailing in two lines, and a look-out squadron about 2 miles to windward of us, led by Admiral Pasley in the Bellerophon. On the Enemy's approaching us within four miles, they hauled their wind on the larboard tack { ie: left side, or port side tack. }, and hove to; at nine the signal was made to prepare for battle, and make more fail, but still to preserve their order of sailing; the French were partly lying-to, and partly forming their line for battle. At 20 minutes past one PM the signal was made by our weather squadron that part of the enemy had tacked. We were much afraid, from that maneuver, they wished to avoid an action. It coming on thick and squally, however, we perceived the maneuver was for some of their heavy ships to gain their rear, as they saw it was our intention to bring that part of their fleet to action. In a short time, at two PM, the signal was made for our weather squadron to attack and harass the enemy's rear, that part of our fleet only being well up with them, and, at the same time, for a general chase. Then was the ardor of our commanders shewn who were fortunate enough to be in the fastest sailing ships. At 20 minutes past three, our weather Squadron began the attack on the enemy's rear at a long shot. At five, the signal was repeated, to attack the enemy's, rear; on which the Audacious, Bellerophon, Russell, Invincible, and Leviathan, opened a heavy fire on them, but at great distance, and continued till 30 minutes past nine PM without any visible damage on either side. At dusk, the fleet were about three miles from each other in close lines of battle. Nothing happened during the night, except a few sky-rockets shewn by the enemy, which, we suppose, were for the purpose of making sail, as they were at a great distance from us next morning at daylight. On Thursday the 29th, at 8 AM, our fleet tacked in succession, to preserve the order of sailing in a line, the Caesar leading the fleet into action. At 15 minutes past eight, the signal was made for the van { vanguard } to engage the enemy's rear. At nine, a number of the enemy's ships tacked to strengthen their rear. At half past ten, they began to engage. At 33 minutes past noon, the signal to tack in succession, and cut through the enemy's line to gain the wind. The Caesar, being closely engaged with the enemy's van-ship of 80 guns, made the signal of inability to comply with the admiral's signal: at ten minutes after, having beat her out of the line, the Caesar tacked, and made the signal to the admiral of having done so. The admiral's signal for cutting through the line was mistaken by our van ship; for, Capt. Molloy, after having tacked, stood away down under the lee of the French line, engaging as they passed on the different tacks. At 38 minutes past noon, the admiral again made the signal to cut through the enemy's line. He then tacked, and reserved his fire till in the act of passing through their line, when he opened a most tremendous fire on both sides within half a cable's length of each of them. The Bellerophon was the only ship that followed the admiral; the rest of the center and rear being so disabled when they came out of action as to be under the necessity of making the signal of not being able to renew the action, which were, the Royal George, Royal Sovereign, Queen, Russell, and Invincible, the enemy's fleet seeming in great confusion. After some time, they recovered their panic, wore, and stood towards our disabled ships, forming their line, with the intention of cutting them off; but, providentially for us, they ran too far to leeward, which gave us an opportunity of forming our line between our disabled ships and the enemy's line. At this time it was a very unpleasant sight for us lookers-on to see so many of our ships disabled, and two only of the enemy's; they were completely so. At this time the firing ceased. However, the admiral had gained a great advantage, by getting the wind of the enemy, and having the opportunity of engaging them at his own distance. Friday and Saturday an excessive thick fog, during which time we saw none of the enemy; however, it gave us an opportunity of repairing damages. On Sunday the 1st, at 8 AM, the fog cleared up, the enemy's fleet not then in sight. In the course of a few minutes they were again seen, bearing NW of us; the wind still at SW, moderate breeze. At 15 minutes past 8, the signal was made for battle. Our fleet now bore down upon the enemy, with the signal flying for each ship to engage her opponent in the line as close as possible. At 18 minutes past 9, the enemy opened upon our van, which was not returned till 30 minutes past. Earl Howe, as on the former day's action, reserved his fire till he got between the enemy's line; he then got his broadsides to bear upon one of their bows, and another's quarter. He then commenced a very heavy fire indeed from both sides. The action now became general from van to rear, and continued till noon. We then perceived eleven ships totally dismasted; among which were his Majesty's ships Marlborough and Defence, the rest all the enemy's; both fleets in great disorder. Half past noon, the firing ceased; saw four more of the enemy's ships totally dismasted, being taken in tow by their frigates, thirteen of the enemy's ships endeavoring to form their line to leeward; however, the Sans culottes { French lower classes/common folk } thought it best to make off, and by dusk they were almost all out of sight, and the greatest part of our fleet too much disabled to pursue them. However, we had enough to stay by and secure eight of their line-of-battle ships, two of which sunk before we could take possession of them. Six we have brought in with us. Never was so much havoc, and so complete a victory, gained in so short a time. Earl Howe plainly convinced the Sans culottes that he could yet shew them the Old English way of fighting, "not to fire before he could see the whites of their eyes." The crews of the ships that sunk all perished; a fine gang for Old Davy indeed! However, we hoisted boats out to endeavor to save them, but it proved to no effect. We heard that the Bretagne of 120 Guns was captured by the Leviathan and Audacious in the action of the 29th; but am sorry to find the prize not yet arrived. I conclude with wishing you all the felicity this world can afford; and believe me to be, dear Henry, your affectionate friend, P. M."


*Lloyd's List, May 6, 1794, edition.

Earl Howe's Fleet included these Men of War vessels: "Queen Charlotte", 110 Guns, Admiral Earl Howe. "Audacious", 74 Guns, Commander W. Parker. "Bellerophon", 74 Guns, Rear Admiral Pasley, squadron Commodore. "Russell", 74 Guns, Commander Payne. "Invincible", 74 Guns, Commander T. Pakenham. "Leviathan", 74 Guns, Commander H. S. Conway. "Caesar", 80 Guns, Commander Molloy. "Royal George", 110 Guns, Admiral Sir A. Hood. "Royal Sovereign", 110 Guns, Admiral Graves. "Queen", 98 Guns, Rear Admiral Gardner.


*Lloyd's List, June 6, 1794, edition. Arrived at Plymouth, from a Cruise, the "Audacious", Man of War.

*Lloyd's List, June 17, 1794, edition. Arrived at Portsmouth from a cruise the vessels: "Bellerophon", "Russell", "Invincible", "Leviathan", "Caesar", "Royal George", "Queen", and "Invincible". Arrived at Plymouth from a Cruise, the "Royal Sovereign", Admiral Graves.


The Gentleman's Magazine, London. Vol 67. 1797. Page 65.

Oct 25, 1797. The "Potomah", from Poole for Newfoundland, with provisions and merchandise, retaken. [ "Potomack", owner: George Kemp. ]

*Lloyd's List, Oct. 20, 1797, edition.

The "Potomack", Captain Street taken by a [ French ] Privateer. [ "La Vengeur", of 13 Guns and 120 Men, out of Brest. ]

*Lloyd's List, Oct. 24, 1797, edition.

The "Potomack", Captain Street, from Lisbon to Newfoundland, taken by a Privateer, is retaken and arrived at Lisbon.

*Lloyd's Registers, 1797. Vessel: "Potomack". Captain J. Street. Voyage: Poole-Newfoundland. 208 Tons/15 Men. Built Glasgow, 1788. For George Kemp.

Vol 70. 1800. Page 262.

Jan 27, 1800. An English brig, the "Commerce", laden with salt fish, recaptured by the "Netley", her Majesty's schooner. Jan 25, 1800. The "Netley" retook the "Dutchess of Gordon, a bark, from Newfoundland to Oporto, with 7600 quintals of salt fish.

*Lloyd's List, Feb 21, 1800, edition.

The "Commerce", Captain Bibbins, from Newfoundland to Portugal, is taken and carried into Vigo. ( For Kemp & Co.? )

Vol 71. 1801. Page 675.

June 30, 1801. At Harbour Grace, Newfoundland, aged 118, Mrs. Garland, mother of Charles Garland Esq. collector of the customs there. She had been deprived of sight for some years, but, it is supposed, retained all her other faculties to the Last. Her daughter died at the same time, aged 86.

*?Ann Davis Garland? ( 1684 - 1801 ), and ?Mary Garland? ( 1714 - 1801 ). George Garland ( 1677 - 1763 ). Mary Garland wed John Moores ( 1713 - 1790 ).

Vol 76, 1806. Page 879.

August 27, 1806. At Jersey, in his 95th year, still possessing his faculties in a very eminent degree, Charles Lempriere, esq. of Rozel, many years chief magistrate of that island.

*Boteler/Le Boutillier captained to Newfoundland for Phillip Lempriere. Lempriere family eminent merchants of Jersey and London.

Vol 77, 1807. Page 1151.

Nov 21, 1807. Her majesty's sloop "Scorpion", captured the French ketch privateer "La Glaneuse", of 16 Guns, and retook the prize ship "Alfred", from Poole to Newfoundland.

Vol 79. 1809. Page 1153/4.

Nov 19. 1809. The "Vestal" frigate, Captain Graham, has taken the French Brig Privateer "L'Intrepide" of 18 Guns & 125 Men. And retaken her prize the English brig "Bellona", from Newfoundland to Jersey, which was sent to Lisbon. ( *Lloyd's List edition, Nov 28, 1809. )

Vol 87. 1817. Page 75.

June 11, 1817. Newfoundland papers to the llth ult. announce the arrival of large supplies of provisions from Halifax and from Ireland; so that the distress of the inhabitants, so feelingly described lately in Parliament, has, we trust, been greatly migitated, or wholly relieved.

*In 1817, Edward Kemp, eldest son of James Kemp, was agent for G & J Kemp at Brigus, in Newfoundland. He wrote home that in the current fishery depression, supplies were exhausted, food was being rationed, and he feared a riot at the first sight of a provision ship, sailing into that port. Mansions and Merchants of Poole and Dorset. By: Derek Beamish, John Hillier, & H F V Johnston. 1976.

Vol 88. 1818. Page 76.

Jan, 1818. Letters have been received from St. John's, Newfoundland, which contain some interesting particulars respecting the consequences of the late dreadful fires in that Island. { Nov 7, 1817, destroyed 135 buildings, and Nov 21, 1817, burnt the Western half of the town. Winter provisions destroyed. } Numbers of the lower classes who had suffered losses by the conflagration had quitted Newfoundland and gone to Canada, to Nova Scotia, to New Brunswick, or to the territories of the United States, to procure employment. The Governor had wisely provided occupation for the able-bodied men who remained on the Island, by employing them in felling timber, at the rate of 1s. 6d. per day, for the re-construction of the buildings, which, it is highly probable, will be speedily restored.

Vol 94. 1824. Page 91.

Jan, 1824. Lately deceased {Aug 17, 1823} at St. John's, Newfoundland, of typhus fever, aged 34, the Rev. John Leigh, Ecclesiastical Commissary of Newfoundland.

Page 285. Mar 5, 1824. At Poole, aged 77, John Slade, esq. He carried on an extensive trade with Newfoundland, from which he assumed an opulent fortune. ( *Nephew to John Slade who wed Martha Haitor/Hayter. )

Vol 101. 1831. Page 180.

Dec 31. At Paris, aged 84, the Countess de Genlis deceased. Adoptive mother to Pamela nee Seymour, Fitzgerald, Pitcairn. The Countess de Genlis states Pamela was the daughter of a gentleman of high rank named Seymour, who married a low-born woman, and went off with her to Newfoundland, where he died; that then his wife returned with her infant [ Pamela ] to England, but his family refusing to acknowledge her, she was reduced to great distress, and labored for her maintenance. *Pamela is connected to Fogo Island in other writing.



Reports from committees of the House of Commons: which have been ..., Volume 10

By Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. 1803.

Report of March 26, 1793, by the Right Honorable Dudley Ryder.

Pages 402 and 403. George Cartwright's examination, of the Trade carried on in Notre Dame Bay, Newfoundland; and further north.

George Cartwright Esquire, being examined, informed Your Committee, that he was an Officer of Foot in his Majesty's service.

And being asked, Whether he has been in Newfoundland: he said Yes; several times.

And being asked, In what capacity: he said, Twice on pleasure, and five times on business, in his way backwards and forwards to Labrador; the last time he was there was in 1786; he has been much in that part of Newfoundland inhabited by the native Indians: he has reason to believe that their numbers are considerable, but he cannot state what the numbers are, as they have been so much chased and driven away by the Fishermen and Furriers.

And being asked, How near to any of our settlements do the Indians come: he said, They frequently come in the night into the harbor to pilfer what they can get, to supply their necessities.

And being asked, What were the articles which they mostly steal? he said, Seals, hatchets, boat kettles, and such other things as they think will be of use: they use the seals as covering for their wigwams or tents.

And being asked, Could he state any particulars respecting the condition of the Indians in Newfoundland? he said, He thinks their condition is very wretched and forlorn indeed; our Fishermen and Furriers murder and plunder them whenever an opportunity offers; he has heard many of them boast of the murders they had committed.

And being asked, Did he ever hear of the Fishermen and Furriers shooting at the Indians for their amusement? he said, He has heard many say they had rather have a shot at an Indian, than at a deer. A few years ago there were two men, one of whom he knew personally, went up the great River of Exploits in the winter, on purpose to murder and plunder such Indians as they could meet with; when they got to the head of the river, where it comes out of a great lake, they met with an Indian town containing above one hundred inhabitants; they immediately fired upon them with long guns loaded with buck shot: they killed and wounded several, the rest made their escape into the woods, some naked, others only half-clothed; none of them provided with implements to procure either food or fuel; they then plundered their houses or wigwams of what they thought worth bringing away, and burnt the rest, by which they must necessarily have destroyed the remainder, as they could not exist in the snow.

And being asked, If he meant to state, that the conduct of Fishermen and Furriers to the Indians was in general of that cruel nature, or that these were only particular instances? he said, He has reason to believe, from the conversations he has had with the Fishermen and Furriers of those parts, that there are very few who would not have done the same thing.

The Witness having stated, that Indians sometimes come down into the ports where our Cod Fishery is carried on, and steal various articles, he was asked, Whether he believes that that was in consequence of any provocation or molestation they might have received from the Fishermen and Furriers? he said, Most certainly, and also from the impossibility of their ever getting anything they want by any other means. He has been well assured, that formerly a very beneficial barter was carried on between our people and the Indians, somewhere near the port of Bonavista, by our people leaving goods at a certain place, and the Indians taking what they wanted, and leaving furs in return; but that barter was at length put a stop to by one of our Fishermen hiding himself near the place of deposit, and shooting a woman dead upon the spot as she was suiting herself with what she wanted.

And being asked, Whether he believes, from what he has seen of the Indians, that any intercourse could be again established between them and the British Fishermen and Furriers in Newfoundland? he said, He thinks it very possible and practicable; that he gave in a plan several years ago to Administration for that purpose, and then stated generally these circumstances, and he offered to undertake the execution of it himself.

And being asked, From what he has seen of the Indians, did they seem to be of a more sanguinary and savage disposition than the people in that state of society generally are? he said, By no means, for he has heard many instances of their saving the lives of our people, when they might very easily have put them to death. He heard one man tell his master, that a few days before he left the Bay of Exploits, as he was going to land out of his boat to look at a trap which he had set for an otter, he was surprised by the voice of an Indian; and on turning his head, saw an Indian standing on the shore with an arrow in his bow ready to shoot him; that the Indian made a motion with his head for him to retire; he was not then above four or five yards from the Indian; he immediately pulled his boat round, and rowed off as fast as he could; that the Indian remained in the same posture until he had got some distance from the shore, and then retired into the woods; that the Fishermen then added, that he regretted not having his gun with him, as he would have shot him dead upon the spot.

And being asked, Whether the Indians are large and stout men? he said, From what few he had seen of them, he believes they are.

And being asked, Did the cruelties which he has mentioned to be exercised by the Fishermen and Furriers to the Indians happen in summer as well as in winter? he said, Yes, in both, but more opportunities happen in the summer that in the winter.

And being asked, Did the merchants and persons who go out from this country to Newfoundland use their influence and their endeavors to prevent such practices? he said, He did not recollect an instance of it.

And being asked, Had the Magistrates used any exertions to prevent those outrages? he said, There are no Magistrates resident within that district between Cape St. John and Cape Freels.

And being asked, Whether the Magistrates resident within any of the other districts were capable of preventing these horrors, if they exerted themselves for that purpose? he said, He does not believe they could, because they reside at too great a distance.

And being asked, Did he conceive that those horrors could be prevented without the establishment of a regular Court of Judicature in Newfoundland? he said, He thinks that if his plan, or something similar to it, was adopted, it would effectually prevent everything of that kind, and the offender might be carried to St. John's to be tried by any Court of Judicature established there for the trial of criminal offences.

And being asked, Whether there is not a trade at present carried on with the Indians? he said, No; he knew not when the intercourse was interrupted; it was twenty seven years ago that he first heard of it. { Ie: 1766? }

And being asked, Whether there is any English merchant that carries on a Fishery to the northward of Cape John? he said, Not now, he believes.

And being asked, Whether the people that he states to have committed these enormities were annual Fishermen from England, or residents in Newfoundland? he said, Generally the resident Fishermen.

And being asked, It that residence was prohibited, would not these enormities be in a great measure prevented? he said, If residency within the district he alludes to was not permitted, it would in a great measure have that effect; he means the district between Cape Freels and Cape John.

And being asked, Whether he thinks that the disposition of the Indians is such as to lead them to live upon good terms with our people, provided there were only a sufficient number left to take care of the fishing materials? he said, He thinks our people would be in danger, unless some intercourse was first established.

And being asked, In what year did the enormities he represents happen, and who were the Officers of the Navy commanding in those parts at the time? he said, He could not recollect.

And being asked, If he was conversant with the coast of Labrador? he said, Yes.

And being asked, Whether there is not an annual Fishery carried on there from Great Britain, without any residence? he said, No; there are very few who go out for the summer there.

And being asked, How is justice administered in Labrador? he said, There has been neither law, justice, nor equity there for many years.

And being asked, Whether there is not a more flourishing Fishery carried on there than at Newfoundland? he said, He could not tell how flourishing it is, but he knew that numbers of people have suffered there for want of justice. And being desired to state any instances he might have heard while he resided at Newfoundland, which might make a new Court of Judicature necessary? he said, He could not pretend to say; he knew of none.

And being desired to state the outlines of his plan? he said,

It was to appropriate that part of the coast from North Head to Dog Creek, including Chapel Island, and all other islands within that line, to the use of the Indians, and to have some person stationed there with a ?feloner/sea officer?, and a sufficient number of people to protect them; by which means some acquaintance and connection might be formed betwixt the Indians and the English, and beyond all doubt a traffic would be established. There is no intercourse or barter between those native Indians he speaks of and our people. There are parts of the island where some intercourse is maintained with the Mickmack Indians, and in other parts with the Nescopite Indians.

And being asked, If he meant that all the residents should be removed from that part which he has described, and that no person should land or go there without permission? he said, He does.

And being asked, Whether he ever knew more than one man residing upon the River of Exploits? he said, He knew but one.

And being asked, Whether the same cruelties were exercised against the Indians of the coast of Labrador, as against the Red Indians? he said, Not since the year 1770, since he went amongst them, and learned their language, and got upon terms of friendship with them; previous to that period the cruelties were just as numerous as those exercised in Newfoundland. It appears to him that the Indians wish to be on terms of friendship with the English.

And being asked, Whether the inveteracy of the Indians against the Europeans is not so great, that they murder every European they are able? he said, Yes.

And being asked, Whether he conceives that, if the traders, going in the summer to Newfoundland, use their influence to prevent the horrors that have been described, that they might not in some degree be prevented? he said, He believes it would have a good effect, but in general they do not trouble their heads about the matter, for fear it should affect their own interest.

And being asked, Whether those Indians are not universally afraid of an Englishman? he said, They are.

And being asked, Would they venture to come within sight of an European? he said, they conceal themselves in the woods as much as possible, and very seldom show themselves.

And being asked, Did not the merchants going to Newfoundland receive the furs that are taken from the Indians without making any inquiry? he said, Yes.

And being asked, Whether our trade and intercourse with Labrador was not very insignificant before the year 1770? he said, Yes.

And being asked, Whether there is not a more flourishing trade carried on at Labrador than at Newfoundland? he said, He could only say, with respect to himself, that his trade has been very flourishing, having cleared above one hundred per cent, for the last three years.

And being asked, If any fees were paid on that coast? he said, Not that he knew of.

And being asked, If there were any restrictions under which that trade laboured? he said, He does not know that there are.

The boundaries the Witness proposed to be set apart for the Indian district are as follow:

From the north end of Dog Creek, all along the shore of Newfoundland, to the north head of the Exploits; from thence to the nearest point of New World Island, keeping on the out or north side of Burnt, and all other islands which lie between; from the aforesaid point along the west and south sides of New World Island, to the point nearest to Change Island Tickle; from thence to the south side of the said Tickle; along the west side of Change Islands; to the south point of the same, and from thence to the north head of Dog Creek.

No person, except those employed by His Majesty, to go within that circle, ( save only those who want to fell timber, or who are obliged to do so through stress of weather, ) without leave in writing from the person employed in the protection of the Indians.

This was part of the plan the Witness gave in to Government.

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